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Inside the Kingdom of Hayti, ‘the Wakanda of the Western Hemisphere’

MINNESOTA SPOKESMAN-RECORDER — The fictional kingdom has a real-life corollary in the historic Kingdom of Hayti.

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By Marlene Daut

Marvel’s blockbuster Black Panther, which recently became the first superhero drama to be nominated for a Best Picture Academy Awards, winning three, takes place in the secret African Kingdom of Wakanda. The Black Panther, also known as T’Challa, rules over this imaginary empire — a refuge from the colonialists and capitalists who have historically impoverished the real continent of Africa.

But fans of the box-office hit might not realize that they don’t need to look to the make-believe world of the Black Panther to find a modern-day Black kingdom that aspired to be a safe haven from racism and inequality.

The fictional kingdom has a real-life corollary in the historic Kingdom of Hayti, which existed as a sort of Wakanda of the Western Hemisphere from 1811 to 1820.

The Haitian Revolution led to the creation of the first free Black state in the Americas. But the world was hardly expecting a former enslaved man named Henry Christophe to make himself the king of it.

Media accounts from the era, some of which I’ve collected in a digital archive, serve as a window into a brief period of time when the kingdom stood as a beacon of Black freedom in a world of slavery. Yet, like Wakanda, the Kingdom of Hayti wasn’t a utopia for everyone.

A new kind of kingdom

On Jan. 1, 1804, an army led by former enslaved Africans in the French colony of Saint-Domingue staved off France’s attempt to bring back slavery, and declared themselves independent and free forever.

The leader of the revolutionaries, General Jean-Jacques Dessalines, had defeated Napoleon’s famous army and made himself emperor of the newly-renamed Haiti.

But in October 1806, Dessalines was assassinated by political rivals, leading the country to be divided into two separate states: General Henry Christophe named himself president of the northern part of Haiti, while General Alexandre Pétion governed a completely separate republic in the southern and southwestern part of the country.

In March 1811, President Henry Christophe surprised everyone when he anointed himself King Henry I and renamed the northern republic, the Kingdom of Hayti. Henry I soon had a full court of nobles that included dukes, barons, counts and knights to rival that of royal England.

Haiti’s first and only kingdom immediately attracted the attention of media outlets from around the world. How could there be a republic on one side of the island and a monarchy on the other, they wondered? Was the new Black king trying to mimic the same white sovereigns who had once enslaved his people, others asked?

The edicts establishing the royal order of Haiti were immediately translated into English and printed in Philadelphia, while many American and British newspapers and magazines ran celebrity profiles of the Haitian king.

One newspaper described him as “the elegant model of an Hercules.” Another described him as “a remarkably handsome, well-built man; with a broad chest, square shoulders, and an appearance of great muscular strength and activity.”

The ‘First Monarch’ of the ‘New World’

In 1813, construction of the opulent Sans-Souci Palace – meaning literally “without worry” – was completed. The palace was partially destroyed by an earthquake in 1842; today, its remains have been designated a world heritage UNESCO site. During its heyday, the palace dazzled.

There were the elegantly manicured gardens and a unique, domed cathedral. The structure was flanked by a dramatic double staircase leading to the entryway and two arches detailed with etchings and inscriptions. One acknowledged Henry, rather than Jean-Jacques, as the country’s “founder.”

There were also two painted crowns on the principal palace façade, each of which stood at 16 feet tall. The one on the right read “To the First Monarch Crowned in the New World.” The one on the left said “The Beloved Queen Reigns Forever Over Our Hearts.”

King Henry lived in the palace with his wife, Queen Marie-Louise, and his three children, Prince Victor Henry, and the princesses, Améthyste and Athénaire.

An April 1815 issue of The Gazette Royale details how the Kingdom of Hayti foiled France’s attempt to reconquer its former colony.

An April 1815 issue of The Gazette Royale details how the Kingdom of Hayti foiled France’s attempt to reconquer its former colony.

Newspapers around the world reprinted articles from the monarchy’s official newspaper, the Gazette Royale d’Hayti, detailing the royal family’s lavish dinners, replete with bombastic speeches and lengthy toasts to famous contemporary figures such as King George III of England, U.S. President James Madison, the King of Prussia, and the “friend of humanity,” the “immortal” British abolitionist Thomas Clarkson.

The Gazette also recounted the decadence of Queen Marie-Louise’s August 1816 official birthday celebration, which lasted for 12 days and had 1,500 people in attendance. On the final day of the party, 12 cannons fired after the Duke of Anse toasted the queen as “the perfect model of mothers and wives.”

A free island in a sea of slavery

There was much more to King Henry’s reign than luxurious parties.

On March 28, 1811, King Henry installed a constitutional monarchy, a move lauded by many in the British elite. The famous British naturalist Joseph Banks championed Henry’s 1812 book of laws, titled the “Code Henry,” calling it “the most moral association of men in existence.”

“Nothing that white men have been able to arrange is equal to it,” he added.

Banks admired the code’s detailed reorganization of the economy, from one based on slave labor to one – at least in theory – based on free labor. This transformation was wholly fitting for the formerly enslaved man-turned-king, whose motto was “I am reborn from my ashes.”

The code provided for shared compensation between proprietors and laborers at “a full fourth the gross product, free from all duties,” and it also contained provisions for the redistribution of any land that had previously belonged to slave owners.

“Your Majesty, in his paternal solicitude,” one edict reads, “wants for every Haytian, indiscriminately, the poor as well as the rich, to have the ability to become the owner of the lands of our former oppressors.”

Henry’s stated “paternal solicitude” even extended to enslaved Africans. While the Constitution of 1807 had announced that Haiti would not “disturb the regimes” of the colonial powers, royal Haitian guards regularly intervened in the slave trade to free captives on foreign ships that entered Haitian waters.

An October 1817 issue of the Gazette celebrated the Haitian military’s capture of a slave ship and subsequent release of 145 of “our unfortunate brothers, victims of greed and the odious traffic in human flesh.”

Too good to be true?

Yet life in the Kingdom of Hayti was far from perfect.

Henry’s political rivals noted that people frequently defected to the southern Republic of Haiti, where they told stories of the monarch’s favoritism and the aristocracy’s abuse of power.

Illustrator Mahlon Blaine depicts King Henry on the cover of the 1928 book Black Majesty. // @paulclammer/Twitter

[/media-credit] Illustrator Mahlon Blaine depicts King Henry on the cover of the 1928 book Black Majesty.

Worse, Henry’s famous fortress, the Citadelle Laferrière, was, according to some accounts, built with forced labor. For this reason, Haitians have long debated whether the imposing structure, which was restored in 1990, ought to symbolize the liberty of post-independence Haiti.

Henry’s dreams of a free Black kingdom would not outlive him. On Aug. 15, 1820, the king suffered a debilitating stroke. Physically impaired – and fearing a fracturing administration plagued by the desertion of some its most prominent members – Haiti’s first and only king killed himself on the night of Oct. 8, 1820.

Despite some questions about living conditions in the Kingdom of Hayti, its ruler can still be recognized as a visionary. Even one of his most ardent rivals from the south, Charles Hérard Dumesle, who often referred to Christophe as a “despot,” nonetheless praised the remarkable “new social order” outlined in the Code Henry. Dumesle appeared to lament that the king’s “civil laws were the formula for a social code that existed only on paper.”

For all those who still dream of Black liberation, strong – if ultimately flawed – leaders, like both the King of Hayti and T’Challa, have always been central to these visions.

King Henry was even depicted as a sort of superhero in his time. As one article from 1816 noted of Henry,

“History demonstrates that no people has ever done anything great entirely by themselves; it is only ever in collaboration with the great men who become elevated in their midst that they raise themselves up to the glory of accomplishing extraordinary deeds.”

Marlene Daut is the associate professor of African Diaspora Studies, University of Virginia

This story was republished by permission from The Conversation.

This article originally appeared in the Minnesota Spokesman-Recorder

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Activism

Oakland Post: Week of July 8 – 14, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of July 8 – 14, 2026

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Black History

IN MEMORIAM: A Queen Mother’s Journey Home

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — She opened doors for those to come with wisdom, strength, and grace,
She challenged wrong, uplifted youth, and quickened justice’s pace.
Her scholarship and generous heart shall bloom through future years,
Transforming dreams to living hope beyond our grief and tears.

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A Memorial Tribute to Rosetta Miller-Perry, July 7, 1934 – June 26, 2026

From truth’s bright flame she lit the way, so bold and wise each day,
Her fearless voice inspired us all and never lost its sway.
A Queen Mother crowned by faith, whose love would never cease,
She sowed the seeds of justice well and harvested God’s peace.

She marched where freedom’s banners waved and answered duty’s call,
She stood with King through history’s storms, courageous through them all.
With pen and press she raised our voice for every soul unheard,
She proved that hope is strongest still when carried by the Word.

The Tennessee Tribune became a beacon shining bright,
Its pages told our stories true and championed the right.
She taught that Black lives, dreams, and truths deserved the highest place,
And every headline proudly bore the beauty of our race.

She opened doors for those to come with wisdom, strength, and grace,
She challenged wrong, uplifted youth, and quickened justice’s pace.
Her scholarship and generous heart shall bloom through future years,
Transforming dreams to living hope beyond our grief and tears.

Now Heaven’s presses joyfully proclaim her work complete,
As angels sing and saints arise our Queen Mother to greet.
Though earth now mourns her gentle voice, her light will never pass,
For Rosetta lives forevermore in truth, in love, and in the Black Press.

May Rosetta Miller-Perry’s memory continue to inspire all who believe in truth, justice, freedom, and the enduring mission of the Black Press of America. May her legacy remain a guiding light for generations to come.



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Black History

COMMENATARY: Blackfolk, Is It Past Time for an Exit Strategy?

JACKSONVILLE FREE PRESS — With federal and state governments aligning with what the article describes as an “anti-Black program,” the article questions the efficacy of traditional civil rights strategies.

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COMMENATARY: Blackfolk, Is It Past Time for an Exit Strategy?

We have arrived at a terrifyingly familiar crossroads. Over the last year and a half, the current administration has executed its Project 2025 playbook to a tee, systematically dismantling the civil rights progress and hard-won gains of the past 60-plus years.

With every branch of the federal government aligned with this anti-Black program—and a majority of state governors and state supreme courts nodding in lockstep—the illusion of permanent legal protection has shattered.

The worst thing Blackfolk can do right now is assume that everything will “automagically” improve. History is screaming a different story. If we look closely at the repeating loops of the American experiment, we must ask an uncomfortable, urgent question: Is it past time for an exit strategy?

Historically, every single time Black people have fought, bled, and successfully forced this country to pivot away from its white supremacist foundations, a radical, violent political pushback has followed.

  • The Reconstruction Precedent: After the abolition of slavery and the brief radiance of Reconstruction, the white backlash plunged Black America into Jim Crow—a violent rollback of rights that lasted roughly a century.
  • The Modern Regression: The monumental gains of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements are being erased right in front of our eyes. In truth, the efforts to dismantle these wins didn’t start recently; they began while the ink on the Voting Rights Act was still wet.

Historians and social commentators today predict that it will take anywhere from 60 to 100 years for Black people living today to fully recover the legal protections, economic ground, and civil rights being stolen from us right now. That means the bitter, unvarnished truth is that most of us living today will not see better days in our lifetime.

If that’s true, why are we still organizing, marching, and voting with the exact same playbook and goals as before? We already know how that story ends: Anti-Black forces will always meet our appeals for justice with violent, economic, and political rollbacks. We need a new approach.

A 21st-century Underground Railroad

For months, national thought leader Lurie Daniel Favors has implored Black people and organizations to stop reacting defensively and start creating the framework for a “21st-century Underground Railroad.” This wouldn’t be a literal trail through the woods, but a sophisticated, underground network designed to allow Black people to escape systemic oppression, pool resources, and find genuine freedom.

But what does a modern exit strategy even look like? The options generally split into two distinct paths: The physical exit and the systemic exit.

“If hereditary bondmen would be free, they must themselves strike the blow… use every means—moral, intellectual, and physical—that promises success,” said the illustrious and under-appreciated Black liberation theologian Henry Highland Garnet, in his Address to the Slaves of the United States, given during the National Negro Convention of 1843. Garnet called for open rebellion against slavery. His idea for an “exit strategy” failed by one vote of being endorsed by the convention.

Option 1: The expatriate route (physical exit)

For some, the answer lies in leaving the United States entirely. This is not a new impulse. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Black intellectuals and colonization societies led by figures like Alexander Crummell, Garnet, and Martin Delany argued that Black humanity, creativity, and intellect could never fully flourish on a soil so deeply poisoned by anti-Blackness.

Crummell actively championed emigration, believing that building up self-determining communities elsewhere was a far nobler use of Black genius than begging for citizenship from a nation that despised them.

In 2026, the expatriate route means looking toward West African countries (such as Ghana, with its continued “Year of Return” initiatives), parts of the Caribbean, or European hubs that offer a lower baseline of anti-Blackness. The goal is to relocate to societies that welcome our humanity rather than criminalize it.

But how many of us have the economic capacity to make such a move? On the flip side, how many of us can afford to stay in the U.S. with anti-Blackness rising exponentially daily?

Option 2: Economic secession (systemic exit)

For others, the best exit strategy isn’t physical relocation, but a deliberate exit from America’s economic and social systems. This means creating our own self-reliant, self-determining networks right here. It looks like building independent food supply chains, autonomous security apparatuses, private educational institutions, and closed-loop economic systems. It’s the practice of being in America without being dependent on it. Multiple Black Power Movement members back in the 1960s and 70s called that creating a “nation within a nation.”

The danger of assuming “It can’t happen here”

This is not a message of gloom and doom; it is an urgent wake-up call. Global history is littered with stories of “othered” groups whose rights were slowly, methodically eroded by the dominant society. In almost every instance—from pre-WWII Europe to various global genocides—the erosion of rights started slowly, and then accelerated so fast that it appeared to come out of nowhere.

In every single one of those historical tragedies, there was always a small, prophetic minority calling for an exit strategy. And in every instance, the vast majority of the oppressed group pushed back, insisting that conditions could never get that bad.

Until they did.

Activating the exit

We don’t need a singular, definitive answer today, but we absolutely must begin organizing around the possibilities. Blackfolk need to take concrete steps immediately:

  1. Assess and Resource: Black organizations and individuals must audit their assets, identifying who has the means, dual citizenships, or remote capabilities to pivot.
  2. Build the Infrastructure: We must fund the infrastructure for both paths—supporting those who choose to build autonomous zones of survival in the States, and establishing legal and financial pipelines for those who choose to leave.
  3. Normalize the Conversation: We must strip away the stigma of “giving up” on America. Leaving a burning house isn’t cowardice; it’s intelligence.

We can no longer afford the luxury of hope without a contingency plan. Whether we choose to exit geographically or economically, we must build the backdoor now. History has shown us the script—it’s time we finally change our ending.

Based on reporting by Jacksonville Free Press.



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