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Randolph: Arizona’s Oldest Historically Black Community

NNPA NEWSWIRE — Often called “freedmen’s towns,” “freedom towns,” or “all-black towns,” African American municipalities were established throughout the United States by or for a largely African American population, many of whom were freed slaves or descendants of slaves. Although a handful of African American towns and communities were established before the American Civil War, it was not until Emancipation that freed Blacks were able to settle in large enough numbers to establish their own communities.
The post Randolph: Arizona’s Oldest Historically Black Community first appeared on BlackPressUSA.

Published

2 years ago

October 11, 2023

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(Part 1 of a series)

Prepared by Jennifer Levstik, WestLand Resources, Inc. and Dianne Post, lawyer for Randolph United Council | Arizona Informant

Established in 1925, the community of Randolph was touted as the newest townsite to rival Phoenix. By the 1930s, however, the community was still a small, rural townsite largely populated by white farmers and ranchers and a handful of African American, Mexican American, and Native American farm laborers. By the next decade, local demographics and settlement patterns had shifted, and the community was largely African American and subdivided along racial lines.

Whites settled to the west of Highway 87 and Blacks to the east of the highway. Over the next several decades, Randolph became a multi-generational African American community—a community that persists to the present day, while many other similar historically Black communities in Arizona have not survived.

The persistence of Randolph and its residents is evidenced in its setting, agrarian qualities, and long-standing cultural history. Even today, community members who have moved away regularly return for holidays, events, family gatherings, funerals, and proudly identify themselves as Randolphians.

Throughout its development, Randolph has continued to retain its racial heritage, expressed both through its population and its built environment, and today it remains the oldest extant historically Black community in Arizona associated with the Great Migration of the early to mid-20th century.

In 2022, the community of Randolph began the process of seeking designation as a Historic District in the National Register of Historic Places. It is expected that the designation will be announced at the end of this year. The following segments are excerpted from the nomination that was prepared for the community on their behalf.

Randolph Historic District (1925–2023)

Randolph, Arizona, is a small agricultural community located approximately 4 miles south of Coolidge and 14 miles equidistant from Florence to the northeast and Casa Grande to the west. The portion of the community that encompasses the proposed historic district is located on the east side of Highway 87, which denotes the highest collection of parcels, buildings, and archaeological sites associated with the persistence of memory of what the community landscape was and still represents to its members.

Randolph has retained its African American identity since its formal establishment in the mid- 1920s through the modern era and derives its significance as the oldest remaining historically Black community in Arizona associated with the Great Migration of the early to mid-20th century.

African American Settlements in the United States

Often called “freedmen’s towns,” “freedom towns,” or “all-black towns,” African American municipalities were established throughout the United States by or for a largely African American population, many of whom were freed slaves or descendants of slaves. Although a handful of African American towns and communities were established before the American Civil War, it was not until Emancipation that freed Blacks were able to settle in large enough numbers to establish their own communities.

It is estimated that between 1865 and 1915, at least 60 Black communities were created across the United States, with close to 20 in Oklahoma alone. The peak of Black settlement was in the 1920s, but in the western states—particularly Arizona and New Mexico—the trend continued into the 1940s. The exact number of these communities and towns is unknown, and estimates vary widely depending on the source.

The earliest freedom settlement established in what would later become part of the United States was Fort Mose. Fort Mose was founded in 1738 near present-day St. Augustine, Florida, a former Spanish colony. The community was populated by about 100 people escaping slavery, primarily from Georgia and the Carolinas.

They fled to Florida following a Spanish Edict of 1693 that stated that any enslaved male on an English plantation who escaped to Spanish-held Florida would be granted freedom if they converted to Catholicism or joined the Spanish militia. Many of the Black men that came to form this early settlement were blacksmiths, carpenters, farmers, boatmen, and cattlemen. Eventually women and children also joined the settlement.

Two years after its founding, during the War of Jenkin’s Ear, the British attacked the Spanish city of St. Augustine, targeting Fort Mose in an effort to return the former slaves to English-held plantations. After a hard-fought battle, the Spanish and Fort Mose settlers successfully expelled the British forces, and for the next 80 years of Spanish control of Florida, Fort Mose remained a haven for fugitive slaves. When Florida became part of the United States, the residents of Fort Mose fled to Cuba.

The number of Black settlements in the United States remained relatively low until Post-Civil War Reconstruction. In 1877, the first great wave of Black migration began when many newly freed slaves feared that the removal of federal troops from the American South would lead to unrest and retaliation. In response, many chose to move west.

The first Black community to be established west of the Mississippi River was Nicodemus, Kansas. It was widely advertised to prospective settlers as the “Largest Colored Colony in America,” with promises that land could be purchased for as little as a one-dollar deposit. In 1878, a year after Nicodemus was established, a large group of 380 African Americans from Kentucky made the arduous wagon trip to Kansas.

Upon their arrival, they discovered that Nicodemus was a flat, desolate town populated with sod dugouts. Many of the original settlers arriving from Kentucky took one look and turned around, but for those who stayed, the town eventually grew from sod to frame homes and had a baseball team, a post office, churches, schools, social clubs, an ice cream parlor, and two newspapers.

Upwards of 800 people at one time resided in the town during its peak. When word came that a rail station was proposed for the town, its population exploded, as did its influence in state politics. Nicodemus grew large enough that town leaders were able to push forward the election of the state’s first Black politicians to represent their interests.

This prosperity was short-lived, however, as the town was bypassed by the railroad, forcing many residents to leave. By 1910, only 400 people remained.

In the early 1900s, Oklahoma became a popular choice for resettlement by African Americans. One of the most successful communities, Boley, escaped the troubles of Nicodemus by having both railroad access and arable land for farming. By 1907, it boasted 1,000 residents in town, with many others who owned farms on the town’s edges.

Boley was so successful that prominent African American leader Booker T. Washington pointed to Boley as an example of a community success story, and it influenced the creation of the Black town of Mound Bayou in Mississippi. When Oklahoma gained statehood in 1907, however, Boley faced new discrimination as the Democratic party gained control of the state legislature. Newly enacted Jim Crow laws led to disenfranchisement and the slow dismantling of a once thriving town.

Although Oklahoma and Texas had the largest numbers of Black towns in the United States, at least nine similar towns were established in other western states, including Nebraska, California, New Mexico, Colorado, and Arizona. The towns of Allensworth in California, DeWitty in Nebraska, and Deerfield in Colorado had all been established by 1910.

Black communities in Arizona and New Mexico were established in the 1920s and 1930s, with thriving Black populations well into the 1950s. The five known Black migrant communities established in Arizona were Allenville, Mobile, McNary, Randolph, and Rillito. Because many of these communities were never incorporated and records were not kept of their existence, the probability remains that other such communities were established in Arizona.

Black settlements were often created for the same reasons all towns are created—to provide opportunities for economic advancement and money for speculators and to exploit natural resources. They differed, however, in that they not only sought economic and social freedom but also racial uplift. The communities were a haven from discrimination, lynching, and marginalization—a place where individuals and families could thrive without fear.

One of the strongest proponents of Black settlements was Booker T. Washington, a former slave who, among his many accomplishments, founded the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama.

During his career as an educator, author, orator, and presidential advisor, Washington played a role in helping establish and promote the idea of all-Black towns, including Mound Bayou in Mississippi, Gambling in Louisiana, Hobson City in Alabama, and Eatonville in Florida.

He encouraged Blacks to create their own communities in the face of segregationist policies, viewing these communities as one of the few ways for African Americans to have some autonomy in a country that did not see them as equal. And, for a short time, Washington was right.

Soon, however, the states that once offered a safe haven introduced policies that made establishment of such communities either more difficult or nearly impossible to maintain. Interestingly, through the mid-twentieth century, southwestern states became more appealing as a destination for African Americans until they, too, began to impede Blacks seeking economic and social advancement.

As a result of the lawsuit against SRP, Randolph is re-organizing, growing, and developing. They have formed a 501(c)3 organization Randolph United Council. If you can contribute to the community, please send donations to: Randolph United Council, P.O. Box 1869, Coolidge, Az 85128

The post Randolph: Arizona’s Oldest Historically Black Community first appeared on BlackPressUSA.

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UPDATE: PepsiCo Meets with Sharpton Over DEI Rollbacks, Future Action Pending

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The more than hour-long meeting included PepsiCo Chairman Ramon Laguarta and Steven Williams, CEO of PepsiCo North America, and was held within the 21-day window Sharpton had given the company to respond.

Published

5 days ago

April 16, 2025

Stacy M. Brown

By Stacy M. Brown
BlackPressUSA.com Senior National Correspondent

Rev. Al Sharpton met Tuesday morning with PepsiCo leadership at the company’s global headquarters in Purchase, New York, following sharp criticism of the food and beverage giant’s decision to scale back nearly $500 million in diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. The more than hour-long meeting included PepsiCo Chairman Ramon Laguarta and Steven Williams, CEO of PepsiCo North America, and was held within the 21-day window Sharpton had given the company to respond. Sharpton was joined by members of the National Action Network (NAN), the civil rights organization he founded and leads. “It was a constructive conversation,” Sharpton said after the meeting. “We agreed to follow up meetings within the next few days. After that continued dialogue, NAN Chairman Dr. W. Franklyn Richardson and I, both former members of the company’s African American Advisory Board, will make a final determination and recommendation to the organization on what we will do around PepsiCo moving forward, as we continue to deal with a broader swath of corporations with whom we will either boycott or buy-cott.”

Sharpton initially raised concerns in an April 4 letter to Laguarta, accusing the company of abandoning its equity commitments and threatening a boycott if PepsiCo did not meet within three weeks. PepsiCo announced in February that it would no longer maintain specific goals for minority representation in its management or among its suppliers — a move that drew criticism from civil rights advocates. “You have walked away from equity,” Sharpton wrote at the time, pointing to the dismantling of hiring goals and community partnerships as clear signs that “political pressure has outweighed principle.” PepsiCo did not issue a statement following Tuesday’s meeting. The company joins a growing list of major corporations — including Walmart and Target — that have scaled back internal DEI efforts since President Donald Trump returned to office. Trump has eliminated DEI programs from the federal government and warned public schools to do the same or risk losing federal funding. Sharpton has vowed to hold companies accountable. In January, he led a “buy-cott” at Costco to applaud the retailer’s ongoing DEI efforts and announced that NAN would identify two corporations to boycott within 90 days if they failed to uphold equity commitments. “That is the only viable tool that I see at this time, which is why we’ve rewarded those that stood with us,” Sharpton said.

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Target Reels from Boycotts, Employee Revolt, and Massive Losses as Activists Plot Next Moves

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — Target is spiraling as consumer boycotts intensify, workers push to unionize, and the company faces mounting financial losses following its rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives.

Published

6 days ago

April 16, 2025

Stacy M. Brown

By Stacy M. Brown
BlackPressUSA.com Senior National Correspondent

Target is spiraling as consumer boycotts intensify, workers push to unionize, and the company faces mounting financial losses following its rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. With foot traffic plummeting, stock prices at a five-year low, and employee discontent boiling over, national civil rights leaders and grassroots organizers are vowing to escalate pressure in the weeks ahead. Led by Georgia pastor Rev. Jamal Bryant, a 40-day “Targetfast” aligned with the Lenten season continues to gain traction. “This is about holding companies accountable for abandoning progress,” Bryant said, as the campaign encourages consumers to shop elsewhere. Groups like the NAACP, the National Newspaper Publishers Association, and The People’s Union USA are amplifying the effort, organizing mass boycotts and strategic buying initiatives to target what they call corporate surrender to bigotry.

Meanwhile, Target’s workforce is in an open revolt. On Reddit, self-identified employees described mass resignations, frustration with meager pay raises, and growing calls to unionize. “We’ve had six people give their two-week notices,” one worker wrote. “A rogue team member gathered us in the back room and started talking about forming a union.” Others echoed the sentiment, with users posting messages like, “We’ve been talking about forming a union at my store too,” and “Good on them for trying to organize—it needs to happen.” Target’s problems aren’t just anecdotal. The numbers reflect a company in crisis. The retail giant has logged 10 straight weeks of falling in-store traffic. In February, foot traffic dropped 9% year-over-year, including a 9.5% plunge on February 28 during the 24-hour “economic blackout” boycott organized by The People’s Union USA. March saw a 6.5% decline compared to the previous year. Operating income fell 21% in the most recent quarter, and the company’s stock (TGT) opened at just $94 on April 14, down from $142 in January before the DEI cuts and subsequent backlash. The economic backlash is growing louder online, too.

“We are still boycotting Target due to them bending to bigotry by eroding their DEI programs,” posted the activist group We Are Somebody on April 14. “Target stock has gone down, and their projections remain flat. DEI was good for business. Do the right thing.” Former congresswoman Nina Turner, a senior fellow at The New School’s Institute on Race, Power and Political Economy, wrote, “Boycotts are effective. Boycotts must have a demand. We will continue to boycott until our demands are met.” More action is on the horizon. Another Target boycott is scheduled for June 3–9, part of a broader campaign targeting corporations that have abandoned DEI initiatives under pressure from right-wing politics and recent executive orders by President Donald Trump. The People’s Union USA, which led the February 28 boycott, has already launched similar weeklong actions against Walmart and announced upcoming boycotts of Amazon (May 6–12), Walmart again (May 20–26), and McDonald’s (June 24–30). The organization’s founder, John Schwarz, said the goal is nothing short of shifting the economic power balance.

“We are going to remind them who has the power,” Schwarz said. “For one day, we turn it off. For one day, we shut it down. For one day, we remind them that this country does not belong to the elite, it belongs to the people.” As for Target, its top executives continue to downplay the damage. During a recent earnings call, Chief Financial Officer Jim Lee described the outlook for 2025 as uncertain, citing the “ripple” effects of tariffs and a wide range of possible outcomes. “We’re going to be focusing on controlling what we can control,” Lee said. But discontent is spreading internally. A Reddit post from a worker claimed, “The HR rep is doing his best to stop the bleeding, but all he did was put a Bluey band-aid on what is essentially a severed limb.”

Several employees criticized the company’s internal rewards system, “Bullseye Bucks,” for offering what amounts to play money. “Can’t pay rent or buy food with Bullseye Bucks,” one wrote. Others urged their colleagues to join unionizing efforts. “Imagine how much Target would lose their mind if they were under a union contract,” one team leader wrote. “It needs to happen at this point.” One former manager said they left the company after an insulting raise. “Quit last year when they gave me a 28-cent raise. Best decision I’ve ever made.” From store floors to boardrooms, the pressure is growing on Target. And as calls for justice, equity, and worker rights get louder, one worker put it plainly: “We’re all screwed—unless we fight back.”

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Confederates Whistle Dixie Tunes and Black MAGA Applauds

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — They include Black MAGA supporters who’ve chosen silence—even solidarity—as racism escalates from campaign rhetoric to federal policy.

Published

6 days ago

April 15, 2025

Stacy M. Brown

By Stacy M. Brown
BlackPressUSA.com Senior National Correspondent

In Donald Trump’s second term, the faces of compliance are no longer just white. They include Black MAGA supporters who’ve chosen silence—even solidarity—as racism escalates from campaign rhetoric to federal policy. When Trump returned to the White House, he did so with a platform not just soaked in bigotry but engineered to roll back civil rights and diversity efforts on every front. And while his white base cheered, many of his Black allies—those donning MAGA hats and taking up seats on the frontlines of his rallies—chose loyalty over principle, muting themselves as a wave of white nationalist policymaking targets their communities.

Their silence began long before Inauguration Day. During the 2024 campaign, Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally drew fire after a comedian on the lineup referred to Puerto Rico as “garbage.” But that wasn’t the only racist moment. As Florida Rep. Byron Donalds, one of Trump’s most visible Black surrogates, walked onto the stage, the campaign blasted “Dixie”—a song revered by the Confederacy and white nationalists. Donalds said nothing. And neither did the rest of Black MAGA. That same silence echoed in Springfield, Ohio, when Trump and his running mate, J.D. Vance, spread a false and racist claim that Haitian immigrants were “eating cats and dogs.” The fabrication was met with horror from civil rights advocates and journalists. But Trump’s Black supporters? Not a word.

Black MAGA loyalists, many of whom cite values, religion, and personal ambition as their rationale, have essentially normalized the very racism that their grandparents fought to dismantle. Pew Research shows that while only 4% of Black Americans identify as Republicans, those who do often express a belief that the GOP better represents their values—even as those values are trampled by the very administration they support. One study published in Sociological Inquiry found that Black Republicans often “reframe racism in a way that makes their alignment with white conservatives more palatable,” even when it involves rationalizing policies that harm Black communities. And harm is precisely what Trump’s policies are doing. Since taking office, Trump has issued a barrage of executive orders aimed at eliminating diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives across the federal government. Agencies that serve minority communities have faced massive defunding, DEI offices have been shuttered, and civil rights enforcement has all but disappeared. As noted in The Hill, the goal is not just the destruction of policy—it’s the erasure of progress itself.

“Every act of Trump’s second term has been a white-nationalist signal,” wrote one analyst in The American Prospect, calling MAGA an “identity movement” that champions white grievance over democratic principle. There is little space for Blackness, except as a prop. And yet, some Black Trump supporters defend the administration with defiance. One such supporter, who canvassed for Trump in 2024, told The Independent he was called the N-word by fellow conservatives. Rather than walking away, he doubled down on his allegiance. The consequences of this allegiance are becoming deadly clear. As TIME reported, nearly 20% of Trump supporters said freeing the slaves was a mistake. According to The Washington Post, support for Trump has long been fueled more by racial resentment than economic concerns, and that resentment has now translated into policy.

A report from Press Watch concluded that Trump’s base continues to be driven by a desire to protect white dominance and suppress nonwhite progress, particularly through culture war battles over schools, immigration, and federal hiring. Even academic journals have noted that wearing a MAGA hat has become “a proxy for racialized identity”—an affirmation of white supremacy, no matter who’s wearing it. Meanwhile, The Conversation documented how MAGA’s rise has coincided with increased armed intimidation at polling places, violent rhetoric against journalists, and calls to monitor so-called “urban” neighborhoods—all with Trump’s encouragement. The Black MAGA base has not only failed to object—they’ve offered Trump moral cover. Whether out of personal ambition, political opportunity, or delusion, they’ve made peace with racists, while the administration they uphold works tirelessly to erase the freedoms won through generations of Black struggle. As The American Prospect put it: “Trump’s MAGA identity is a movement rooted in white identity politics. That some Black Americans have chosen to stand inside of it doesn’t make it less racist—it makes it more dangerous”