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ACLU: Chicago Police Had Higher Stop-and-Frisk Rate Than NYC

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Chicago Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy speaks to the media on May 21, 2012 in Chicago. (Associated Press)

Chicago Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy speaks to the media on May 21, 2012 in Chicago. (Associated Press)

DON BABWIN, Associated Press

CHICAGO (AP) — Chicago police officers initiated stop, question and frisk encounters at a much higher rate last summer than their New York City counterparts ever did, and just like with New York’s heavily criticized program, Chicago blacks and other racial minorities were disproportionately targeted, according to a civil liberties group.

The American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois released a report Monday saying it identified more than 250,000 Chicago stop-and-frisk encounters in which there were no arrests from May through August 2014. African-Americans accounted for nearly three-quarters of those stopped, even though they make up about a third of the city’s population. On a per capita basis, Chicago police stopped 93.6 people per 1,000 residents, or more than four times New York’s peak rate of 22.9 stops per 1,000 residents, which happened during the same four-month period of 2011.

“The Chicago Police Department stops a shocking number of innocent people,” said Harvey Grossman, the ACLU’s legal director. “And just like New York, we see that African Americans are singled out for these searches.”

People were far more likely to be stopped in predominantly black communities and blacks were more likely to be the target of stops in predominantly white neighborhoods, the study found. For example, African-Americans accounted for 15 percent of the stops in the Jefferson Park area, even though they made up just one percent of its population.

The ACLU said it also found that police gave no “legally sufficient reason” for initiating many of the stops. It said it examined a random sampling of “contact cards,” which officers are required to fill out whenever they make such a stop. On half the cards, the officers didn’t state a reason for the stop, and in some cases, they stated that they stopped someone for a reason that wasn’t related to suspected criminal activity.

Grossman said the information that was on the cards was woefully inadequate, and the cards didn’t indicate that a person had been frisked, which the ACLU researchers can only assume happened.

Police officials responded Monday by saying that the department prohibits racial profiling and other “bias based policing.” They said over the last three years the department has improved training to ensure that police officers are aware of that policy and comply, including requiring more detailed documentation and adding more supervision.

It also released figures showing that the percentage of contact-card incidents is closely aligned with the percentage of police case reports where a crime suspect was identified by race.

“People should be stopped based on crime data and crime information. Nothing else,” Police Superintendent Garry McCarthy said in a written statement.

But the use of contact cards has dramatically increased since McCarthy started running the department in 2011.

The department, which has reported a significant drop in crime around the city, has made it clear that the cards are a key component of its crime fighting strategy, saying they help track gang members and help officers make arrests.

Late last year, prosecutors said information from contact cards showed that two days before the 2013 shooting death of a high school honor student, Hadiya Pendleton, the two suspects were in the white Nissan that served as the getaway car.

But that effort to reduce crime has emerged as a key issue in next month’s mayoral election. While the mayor has been able to use the statistics to underline his point that he is taking steps to make the city safer, the ACLU report comes as he is trying to regain much of the black community’s support, which has slipped since he was first elected in 2011.

Grossman said he’s not surprised that the department relies so heavily on the stop-and-frisk policy. The superintendent spent the bulk of his career in the NYPD and he was the police chief in Newark, New Jersey, before coming to Chicago in 2011.

The policy has come under fire in both cities.

In New York, a federal judge determined the NYPD policy was sometimes discriminating against minorities. And in Newark, the department was placed under a federal monitor after the U.S. Department of Justice found that during a period that included McCarthy’s time running the department, 75 percent of pedestrian stops were made without constitutionally adequate reasons and in the city where blacks make up 54 percent of the population, they accounted for 85 percent of those stops.

“There is no question the superintendent endorses stop and frisk. … It is part of the fabric of McCarthy’s policing,” Grossman said.

Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Business

From Blueprint to Breakthrough: Tackling Affordable Housing in Oakland

Mercy Housing California and JPMorganChase help neighborhoods—and residents—thrive. Finding an affordable place to live remains a challenge for many as widespread housing shortages persist across the U.S. Rising home prices and high interest rates have made homeownership inaccess

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Photo courtesy JPMorganChase.

Mercy Housing California and JPMorganChase help neighborhoods—and residents—thrive.

Finding an affordable place to live remains a challenge for many as widespread housing shortages persist across the U.S. Rising home prices and high interest rates have made homeownership inaccessible to a large portion of the population. Meanwhile, as rental demand increases, the number of renters facing affordability challenges is rising.

The State of the Nation’s Housing 2025 by Harvard University’s Joint Center for Housing Studies reveals that cost burdens for renters reached another record high in 2023. Similarly, the JPMorganChase Institute reports that renter affordability is declining, forcing people to devote more of their take-home pay to housing costs. There is a growing need for affordable housing across the U.S., and that rings true here in Oakland.

To close that gap, it’s essential that all Oakland residents share in its growth, with housing options that accommodate a range of needs and budgets. For Mercy Housing California, this meant delivering a concrete solution to the local community, resulting in housing for individuals and families who otherwise might not have been able to live in the area.

For older adults living on fixed or limited incomes—including seniors who had been without a stable place to call home—The Eliza offers something that can feel out of reach in today’s housing market: a place to belong in the Oakland community where they’ve put down roots. Developed by Mercy Housing California with support from J.P. Morgan, The Eliza brings 97 new homes to seniors aged 62 and older, with 20 of those homes set aside for seniors who were formerly homeless. Here, “affordable” means rents are tied to what residents can actually pay so that a home stays within reach rather than consuming a household’s entire budget.

“As housing costs continue to rise across California, far too many older adults living on fixed incomes face the heartbreaking risk of displacement or homelessness, often for the first time later in life,” said Tiffany Bohee, President of Mercy Housing California. “Here, seniors can age in place independently, access onsite services tailored to their needs, and find a community where they can truly feel at home. Thanks to the commitment of partners like JPMorganChase, we’re helping ensure Oakland remains a place where seniors of all incomes can age with dignity, stability, and belonging.”

“We’re proud of the far-reaching impact this project will have. It reflects Mercy Housing California’s mission to uplift our communities and expands the supply of high-quality, affordable homes,” said James Vossoughi, Community Development Banking, J.P. Morgan. “Every additional housing unit matters—and increasing the number that are affordable is critical.”

A broader commitment to Oakland’s future

While The Eliza is foundational, the vibrancy of a community depends on much more. In Oakland, the firm provides banking services to more than 675,000 customers and works across sectors to expand economic opportunity. Over the last five years, JPMorganChase has invested $35 million in local nonprofit organizations, supported 61,600 small business clients and delivered financial health education to thousands of residents to broaden access to banking, financial health resources, homeownership and other wealth building tools.

“As we work with local stakeholders to expand housing options, JPMorganChase’s goal is to create inclusive economic opportunity for all,” said Dan Schrauth, Managing Director, J.P. Morgan Private Bank and Chair, Bay Area Market Leadership Team, JPMorganChase. “When our communities thrive, we all thrive.”

The journey to close the affordable housing gap continues, with industry leaders like Mercy Housing, Inc. finding a path forward to bring real solutions to the Oakland community.

Locally and nationally, this project reflects JPMorganChase’s American Dream Initiative, a commitment to scaling local housing solutions across the country—learn more at www.jpmorganchase.com/America.

You can also read more about what’s happening in the Bay Area at https://www.jpmorganchase.com/communities/sf-bay-area.

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Business

NPRC Scores First Advocacy Victory: David Shaw Finally Gets His Wish to ‘Go Home’

POST NEWS GROUP — The National Probate Reform Coalition (NPRC), formed by the Post Newspaper Group in January following years of reporting on alleged abuses within the probate court system, helped Beverly secure the return of her husband, along with the couple’s property and assets.

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Beverly and David Shaw were separated by a hospital after Beverly took David there to treat his dehydration. The hospital determined Beverly was not caring for David property and placed him under their guardianship. Courtesy photo.

For nearly four years, Beverly Shaw fought to bring her husband home.

She watched as David Shaw moved through three nursing homes, became increasingly sedated and repeatedly expressed his desire to return to his wife. Last week, that finally happened.

The National Probate Reform Coalition (NPRC), formed by the Post Newspaper Group in January following years of reporting on alleged abuses within the probate court system, helped Beverly secure the return of her husband, along with the couple’s property and assets.

For NPRC, the Shaw case represents its first major advocacy victory. For David, it means something much simpler: He finally got to go home.

In a letter to the court, Beverly raised serious concerns about her husband’s care at Riverview at the Park Nursing Home.

She alleged that David was frequently heavily sedated and questioned whether his medications were properly documented. She said an aide told her medications were sometimes administered without proper charting, although she acknowledged she had not independently verified that information.

Shaw also said she was unable to obtain David’s medical records and questioned medications he was receiving despite previous medical instructions following his 2023 stroke.

“I believe David has been subjected to abuse, neglect, and unnecessary chemical restraint,” Shaw wrote.

The allegations are Shaw’s account and have not been independently established. But they raise questions central to NPRC’s mission: Who is watching when a vulnerable person becomes subject to guardianship? Who is accountable when family members say they are ignored? And who makes sure the person under guardianship, not the professionals surrounding them, remains the priority?

“Please let me go home”

Perhaps the most compelling part of Shaw’s case was David’s own voice. Shaw told the court she possesses recordings in which David repeatedly expressed his desire to return home.

After 45 years of marriage and four years apart, Beverly argued that David deserved the opportunity to spend his remaining years at home with his wife, receiving individualized care.

NPRC responded with a “Request for Compassion” letter-writing campaign to Judge Thomas Inman, Associate Circuit judge for Ste. Genevieve County, Missouri. The coalition also helped Shaw pursue appropriate legal filings and engaged with her attorney to press for action.

The court ultimately returned David to Beverly’s custody and restored the couple’s property and assets.

“What we have here is the power of coalition,” said Alee Carrino, an NPRC planning committee member. “We applied pressure from all sides, and it worked.”

The victory comes during NPRC’s eighth month of organizing for probate reform. The coalition advocates for greater judicial and governmental oversight, court ombudsmen, mandatory mediation, transparency in probate billing and stronger protections for elders and disabled people.

The Shaw case sends a powerful message: Guardianship is supposed to protect vulnerable people, not permanently separate them from those who love and care for them.

David Shaw asked to go home. His wife fought to bring him home. NPRC supported her every step of the way, and this time, the system listened.

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Commentary

ESSAY: California Can Close Its Colorectal Cancer Gap

POST NEWS GROUP — The numbers are stark. From 2014 through 2018, the age-adjusted colorectal cancer incidence rate was 40.2 cases per 100,000 Black Californians, compared with 35.8 among non-Hispanic White Californians. The mortality rate was 25.3 deaths per 100,000 among Black Californians and 17.7 among White Californians—a 43% difference.

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Dr. Gracie Ann Dinkins, left, and Sydney Y.K. Brown, MA

Every breakthrough in cancer care carries a promise: earlier detection, better treatment and longer life. California has helped deliver that promise through world-class cancer centers, a statewide cancer registry and major public-health investments. Yet colorectal cancer still exposes a painful divide: Black Californians are more likely to develop the disease and far more likely to die from it than their White neighbors.

The numbers are stark. From 2014 through 2018, the age-adjusted colorectal cancer incidence rate was 40.2 cases per 100,000 Black Californians, compared with 35.8 among non-Hispanic White Californians. The mortality rate was 25.3 deaths per 100,000 among Black Californians and 17.7 among White Californians—a 43% difference. 

A later state analysis showed that the incidence gap remained in 2021, at 39.0 versus 35.0 cases per 100,000.

These differences should not be treated as an inevitable consequence of biology. The more revealing explanation lies in what happens—or fails to happen—across the cancer-care continuum: prevention, screening, diagnostic follow-up, treatment and surveillance after treatment.

Colorectal cancer is one of the few cancers that screening can sometimes prevent. Colonoscopy can find and remove precancerous polyps, while stool-based tests can identify people who need further evaluation. The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force recommends screening for average-risk adults from ages 45 through 75, with several acceptable options. But a screening test saves no one if it is never offered, never completed or not followed by a timely colonoscopy after an abnormal result.

California’s cancer-burden report shows both the urgency of the problem and a troubling data gap. Nearly six in 10 colorectal cancers were diagnosed at a regional or distant stage among both Black and White patients from 2009 through 2018. The racial difference in stage was not statistically significant. Yet, the registry report did not include screening information, so it could not show who was offered a test, who completed it or who received the necessary colonoscopy afterward. It also did not assess whether survivors completed recommended follow-up. California can count cancers and deaths, but it cannot yet see every missed opportunity that produced them.

The disparities become clearer after diagnosis. A California Cancer Registry study of nearly 27,000 people with stage I through III colorectal cancer found that Black patients had 39% higher odds of receiving less than guideline-recommended treatment and 78% higher odds of waiting more than 60 days for treatment than White patients. Neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage explained part of the substandard treatment, but racial differences persisted even after researchers accounted for where patients lived.

Survival reflects the accumulation of these missed opportunities. Among Californians diagnosed from 2009 through 2013, five-year relative survival was 58.8% for Black patients and 65.1% for White patients. After researchers adjusted for age, insurance, neighborhood income, stage, chronic illness and other factors, the survival difference was no longer statistically significant. That does not make the gap less serious. It identifies much of it as potentially preventable: when access, timing and health conditions are unequal, survival will be unequal too.

California already has proof that a better system can work. Kaiser Permanente Northern California built an organized program that identified eligible patients, mailed annual home stool tests to those overdue, offered colonoscopy as an alternative, and tracked abnormal results through follow-up. Screening among Black members rose from about 40% in 2009 to 80% in 2019. Over the same period, their colorectal cancer death rate fell from 54.2 to 20.9 per 100,000, essentially eliminating the Black-White mortality gap within that health system.

The lesson is not that every Californian must join one health plan. It is that equity requires organized care rather than reliance on chance encounters. Mailed screening outreach, patient navigation and guaranteed follow-up colonoscopy should become standard across Medi-Cal, county health systems and community clinics. Health systems should publicly report screening completion; time from a positive stool test to colonoscopy; time from diagnosis to treatment; receipt of guideline-concordant therapy; and completion of post-treatment surveillance—each stratified by race, insurance, and neighborhood.

Transportation, paid time off, bowel-preparation costs, childcare and distrust are not side issues; they determine whether patients can complete care. Community organizations, churches, clinicians and public hospitals should help design outreach from the beginning, not merely deliver messages created elsewhere. Survivors should leave treatment with a clear surveillance plan, navigation support and reminders that do not disappear when active therapy ends.

Closing California’s colorectal cancer gap is achievable. The state has the tests, specialists, data systems and proof of concept. What it needs is the will to connect them. Success should be measured not only by how many cancers we treat, but by how many we prevent, how quickly we act and whether every Californian has an equal opportunity to survive.

About the Authors 

Gracie Ann E. Dinkins, MD, FACS, is a Clinical Assistant Professor of Surgery and Surgery Clerkship Director at the Charles R. Drew University College of Medicine, Department of Surgery. Her mission is to help realize the CDU vision: Excellent health and wellness for all in a world without health disparities.

Sydney Y. K. Brown, MA, is a medical student at the Charles R. Drew University College of Medicine whose work focuses on clinical research, community engagement, and health equity. She is committed to advancing equitable access to high-quality care and improving health outcomes in underserved communities.

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