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Black History

Still Unsolved: The Cold Cases of Biggie, Tupac and Jam Master Jay

NNPA NEWSWIRE — As 2019 begins, the senseless murder of some of Hip-Hop’s biggest and most talented stars remains in the cold case files. “It’s a shame that we lost talented artists such as Tupac, Biggie and JMJ,” said Hip Hop activist and artist Sean XLG Mitchell.

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By Stacy M. Brown, NNPA Newswire Correspondent
@StacyBrownMedia

Little did Tupac Shakur know, as he left a heavyweight boxing match in Las Vegas on Sept. 7, 1996, that his life was about to end.

With Death Row Records CEO Marion “Suge” Knight at the wheel and Shakur in the passenger seat, gunmen pulled up and pumped several bullets into Shakur who later died at University Medical Center, Las Vegas Valley.

He was 25.

On March 8, 1997, Shakur’s so-called East Coast rival and fellow Hip-Hop superstar, Christopher “Notorious B.I.G.” Wallace, presented an award at the Soul Train Music Awards in Los Angeles.

An afterparty was reportedly shutdown at about 12:30 a.m. because of overcrowding, forcing Wallace to leave with friends, including Bad Boy Records Founder Sean “Diddy” Combs.

Approximately 15 minutes later, as Wallace and the others traveled down a Los Angeles street, a black Chevy Impala pulled alongside the “Hypnotize” rapper’s vehicle and fired several bullets – four of them striking Wallace — who died a short time later at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center.

He was 24.

On Oct. 30, 2002, Jason “Jam Master Jay” Mizell sat in his Jamaica, Queens, recording studio in New York listening to new music.

An unknown assailant entered the building at about 7:30 p.m. and shot and killed Mizell, 37, who, along with his group Run-DMC, transcended Hip-Hop and paved the way for the commercial success of all Hip-Hop acts.

As 2019 begins, the senseless murder of some of Hip-Hop’s biggest and most talented stars remains in the cold case files. “It’s a shame that we lost talented artists such as Tupac, Biggie and JMJ,” said Hip Hop activist and artist Sean XLG Mitchell.

“I believe arrests haven’t been made on any case because of the dynamics involved in terms of the criminal elements: Possibly drugs, gang ties, and the ‘no snitching’ mantra in the Black community,” Mitchell said.

Last year, a cable television series titled “Unsolved” depicted the murders of Shakur and Wallace.

The three-part series, which aired on USA and Netflix and connected Shakur’s murder to an alleged gang war between the Bloods and the South Side Crips, was based on an LAPD task force investigation headed by Detective Greg Kading, who was initially assigned to work on Wallace’s case.

Kading, whose investigation ultimately took him to Las Vegas where he became involved in the Shakur murder probe, concluded that Orlando Anderson was Shakur’s murderer.

According to the series and numerous reports, the now former detective claimed in the series that Anderson’s uncle, Duane “Keffe D” Davis, revealed that Anderson and two other men – DeAndre Smith and Terrence Brown – were in the car together when Shakur was shot.

After Anderson was beaten up earlier that night, they went looking for Shakur at the 662 Club in Vegas. Keffe D said they found him on the strip and pulled up alongside the car, which was being driven by Suge Knight.

“All the chicks was like, ‘Tupac’, and he was like, ‘hey’ like a celebrity, like he was in a parade,” Keffe D said in an interview with BET’s Death Row Chronicles. “If he wouldn’t even have been out the window, we would have never have seen him.”

He would not go so far as to reveal who pulled the trigger but said it came from the backseat, narrowing it down to Anderson and Smith.

Anderson, who always denied that he was the murderer, died himself just two years after Shakur. No one has ever been charged in the murder. However, “Unsolved” creator Kyle Long has called for Keffe D’s arrest.

“He went live on television and confessed to being an accessory to murder and the Las Vegas PD, as far as I know, is doing nothing about it,” Long told The Wrap last year. “And I just think it’s outrageous. I just don’t understand it. It makes me upset.”

Long also spoke to Vulture and said, “What has happened since we made the show, which is fascinating to me, is that Keffe D went on a documentary called the Death Row Chronicles and confessed again.

“He doesn’t have immunity in that confession. He tried to get cute and says, ‘Oh, I handed the gun into the back seat, but I don’t know who pulled the trigger.’ You watch it, and it’s like, he just confessed without immunity to being an accessory to murder. They should go arrest him.”

That hasn’t happened.

Meanwhile, in 2017, New York City police detectives acknowledged that their investigation into the 2002 slaying of Jam Master Jay had gone cold.

“It’s not resolved to the legal eye, but the street always talks,” Jeremy “JL” Lam, a friend of Jam Master Jay’s family, told the Associated Press (AP).

Family members, however, reportedly were less optimistic.

“We know it’s anniversary, but we don’t like to talk about it much anymore,” Jam Master Jay’s older sister, Bonita Jones, said from their mother’s home in North Carolina.

A cousin, Ryan Thompson, believes the potential witnesses may never come forward because they “could go to jail as accomplices.” According to some reports, the 37-year-old Jam Master Jay hugged one of the men before gunfire erupted.

One round missed him but a second, fired from point-blank range, entered the left side of his head.

The men vanished.

Police said there were at least four other people in the studio at the time, but none provided enough details to produce fruitful leads. Thompson said a security camera in the studio was broken.

Prosecutors later identified a career criminal serving time for armed robbery as a suspect, but he denied involvement and was never charged, according to the AP.

Meanwhile, family, friends, fans and activists like Mitchell still hope for answers in the murders of Shakur, Wallace and Mizell.

“I believe there’s evidence that can’t be corroborated because of the number of people involved, which makes it dicey or risky to pursue any leads that are not going to result in criminal charges,” said Mitchell, the author of several books including “Hiphophooray: Celebrating 30 Years of Rap Music,” and “The Roof is on Fire: 101 Greatest Moments in Hip-Hop.”

“And you also have the face of racism involved too — that’s often overlooked — which is essentially the lives of black men don’t seem to have the same value as the lives of others, so why waste your time?  Does it matter? Absolutely, I believe the family members of each victim deserve justice and closure and the only way to get it is with a conviction.”

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Activism

Oakland Post: Week of June 17 – 23, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of June 17 – 23, 2026

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Bay Area

IN MEMORIAM: Longtime OUSD Employee Debra King-Cooper, 73

Longtime OUSD Employee Debra King-Cooper, 73 Caption: Debra King-Cooper. Courtesy photo. Special to The Post Debra King-Cooper, a beloved mother, grandmother, queen, sister, church member, caregiver, and matriarch, transitioned peacefully on May 20 surrounded by family and love i

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Debra King-Cooper. Courtesy photo.
Debra King-Cooper. Courtesy photo.

Special to The Post

Debra King-Cooper, a beloved mother, grandmother, queen, sister, church member, caregiver, and matriarch, transitioned peacefully on May 20 surrounded by family and love in the comfort of her home. To her children, she was royalty, grace, strength, and unconditional love embodied.

Debra Diane Edgar was born on May 28, 1952, in San Francisco, California, to Charles Edgar Sr. and Mamie Arthur Edgar. She was raised alongside her younger brother, Charles Edgar Jr., affectionately known as “Little Brother” or “Lil Bruh.” She also shared close bonds with her older siblings Carol Edgar-Lang, Maryann Edgar Calloway, and Lonnie Lewis Sr.

A proud product of San Francisco’s historic Fillmore District, Debra attended Andrew Jackson Elementary School, where she met her lifelong best friend and adopted sister, Lynn Green, in the fifth grade. She later attended Robert Louis Stevenson Elementary School, Roosevelt Junior High School and Thomas Jefferson High School.

Debra’s mother transitioned when she was only 17 years old, and her father transitioned when she was 23. Despite these profound losses, Debra remained grounded through the love and support of extended family and lifelong family friends,

In 1971, she married Harold King. On Sept. 24, 1972, they welcomed their first son, Dajuan Artese King, affectionately called “Pop” or “Poppa.” On Aug. 5, 1976, they welcomed their second son, Dante Dupree King, affectionately called “Tay” or “Taboocoo the Baby.”

After her divorce in 1982, Debra assumed full responsibility for raising her sons.

She supported Dajuan’s passion for football by purchasing sports equipment and attending games faithfully. She supported Dante’s love of music by enrolling him in the San Francisco Boys Choir, Oakland Boys Choir, and the Castlemont Castleers.

Professionally, Debra built an exceptional career. She worked at Blue Shield of California from 1973 until 1994, earning multiple promotions.

She later joined the Oakland Unified School District, initially in a temporary role before being promoted into management within the Labor Relations Department. She retired from OUSD in 2015 after years of distinguished service. During her years at OUSD, she built meaningful friendships with her colleagues.

Faith was central to Debra’s life. During the 1980s, following personal hardship, she joined Love Center Church under the leadership of Bishop Walter Hawkins, where she brought her children regularly. She later became a member of Triumphant: A Church Without Walls Ministries under Pastor Dr. Larry Short, who became a beloved spiritual mentor.

After Triumphant closed in 1992, Debra joined Cosmopolitan Baptist Church in Oakland under the leadership of Pastor Larry Ashley, where she remained for the rest of her life.

At Cosmopolitan, she worked in numerous ministries. She served on the usher board, sang in the choir, participated in the AIDS ministry during the height of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, helped feed and support unhoused community members, and mentored and supported a group of young girls.

After retirement, she cared for older adults in her church community, driving them to appointments, cleaning their homes, managing finances, preparing meals, and helping families navigate funeral arrangements after loved ones transitioned.

Even while battling Stage 4 cancer herself, she continued caring for others.

Debra was preceded in death by her parents, Charles Edgar Sr. and Mamie Arthur Edgar; her brothers, Lonnie Lewis Sr. and Charles Edgar Jr.; her sisters, Maryann Edgar Calloway and Victoria Stephenson Knight; and her adopted mother, Clara Oliver.

She leaves to cherish her memory her beloved sons, Dajuan King and Dante King; grandson, Tiyler Dajuan Artese King; sister, Carol Edgar-Lang; goddaughters Monique Belle and Ricketa Matthews Jones (Leonard); daughter-in-love Quiona Sullivan; son-in-love Marcel Walker; sister-in-law Delores Lewis; adopted sisters and lifelong friends Lynn Green, Barbara Stephenson Hill, and Sarah Fine; a host of nieces, nephews, cousins, great-nieces, great-nephews, extended family members, her church family and dear friends.

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Black History

COMMENTARY: Black Alliance for Just Immigration Supports Black Voting Rights!

OAKLAND POST — Historically, white conservative forces have sought to suppress Black political participation because Black communities have consistently organized, voted, and fought for policies rooted in justice, equity, and collective survival.

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The logo for Black Alliance for Just Immigration uses an image of Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael), who fought for Black civil rights in the 1960s. Courtesy image.

Special to The Post

The Black Alliance for Just Immigration (BAJI) condemns the continued gutting of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) and the broader assault on Black political power unfolding across the United States.

Black immigrants in the United States — whether citizens or not — share a common condition with Black Americans. Our ability to access housing, healthcare, education, labor protections, safety, and political representation is deeply tied to the political power of Black communities in this country.

When Black communities lose political power, all Black people across the diaspora become more vulnerable to displacement, criminalization, disenfranchisement, and state violence.

The U.S. cannot claim to be a multiracial democracy while systematically dismantling Black political representation and participation. An attack on Black voting power is an attack on all Black people across the diaspora and on the very possibility of a just democracy.

Voting is more than a civic exercise. Voting is about representation, access to resources, and the ability of communities to shape policies that determine whether we survive, thrive, or are left vulnerable to harm. It is both a right and an expectation of participation in public life.

For generations, however, Black people in the United States were systematically excluded from that right through both legal and extralegal violence — especially across the Deep South. The Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965 was won through bloodshed, sacrifice, organizing, and mass resistance led by Black communities demanding full participation in democracy.

The VRA sought to remedy generations of racial exclusion by requiring states with histories of racist voter suppression to receive federal approval before changing election laws or voting procedures, a process known as preclearance. Section 2 of the VRA also created protections to ensure that Black voters and other historically marginalized communities could elect candidates who would represent their interests.

Historically, white conservative forces have sought to suppress Black political participation because Black communities have consistently organized, voted, and fought for policies rooted in justice, equity, and collective survival.

For more than a decade, the Supreme Court has steadily dismantled the VRA protections.

In 2013, the Court’s Shelby v. Holder decision removed the federal preclearance requirement, opening the floodgates for states to pass voter suppression laws and redraw districts designed to dilute Black political power.

On April 29, the Supreme Court ruled that Louisiana’s congressional map was unconstitutional because it included two majority-Black districts. In a state where more than one-third of the population is Black, the Court has effectively declared that Black political representation itself is suspect.

This is not simply about maps or district lines. Gerrymandering is one tactic in a much larger project to weaken Black political power, undermine multiracial democracy, and consolidate power away from working-class communities and communities of color.

What the Supreme Court has done is allow racial gerrymandering to exclude Black people from political power, while the effort to ensure Black communities have representation is now considered unconstitutional. Gutting of the VRA is simply the latest chapter in a long history of efforts to silence Black voices and roll back the gains of the Civil Rights Movement.

At the same time, the rise of authoritarian, xenophobic politics under Pres. Donald Trump and the broader far right seeks to codify anti-Blackness, anti-immigrant policies, attacks on women, LGBTQ+ communities, and other marginalized groups into law. These attacks are interconnected.

“The United States cannot claim to be a multiracial democracy while systematically dismantling Black political power,” said Nana Gyamfi, executive director of BAJI. “Black immigrants understand that our conditions are tied to the conditions of Black Americans; together then, together now. When Black communities lose political power, all Black people become more vulnerable to displacement, criminalization, disenfranchisement, and state violence. Protecting Black voting rights is not just about elections. It is about protecting the possibility of collective freedom and self-determination for our communities.”

BAJI remains committed to defending Black political power, strengthening Black migrant civic participation, and building a future rooted in Black freedom, dignity, and collective liberation.

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