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Op-Ed

‘Selma:’ It’s Not Just a Movie

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Lee A. Daniels
By Lee A. Daniels
NNPA Columnist

 

There is something at work in both the appearance itself of Ana DuVernay’s “Selma” and in the controversy over her depiction of President Lyndon Baines Johnson as an antagonist of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. that deserves our profound interest – and gratitude.

Consider the fact that “Selma” has appeared in the midst of four racially-significant anniversaries: First, the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Movement in general, and, more specifically, the freedom struggle in Selma, Ala. that produced the landmark Voting Rights Act of 1965. Secondly, it also comes as America continues to commemorate the 150th anniversary of the Civil War and Black Americans’ emancipation from slavery.

Equally significant, “Selma” has appeared within a two-year framework of significant anniversaries of two of the most celebrated – and racist – films Hollywood has ever produced.

This year marks the centennial of the vicious “Birth of A Nation.” That film’s path-breaking techniques of story-telling have forever praised by film buffs and historians, a chorus of praise that’s generally downplayed or ignored altogether the film’s advocacy of lynching as a central plank of Jim Crow and the national protest movement that blacks organized against it.

And finally, 2014 was the 75th anniversary of “Gone With The Wind.” Its gauzy depiction of slavery and caricatured Black characters “modernized” the stock racist stereotypes of Black Americans and the false narrative about the antebellum South and the Confederacy that many White Americans still pledge allegiance to. The film won eight Oscars and, according to a Harris Interactive survey conducted last month, remains most Americans’ favorite movie.

Beyond the connection between “Selma” and these anniversaries, of course, is the great fact that this is the sixth year of the tenure of the first Black president of the United States. (The president and First Lady Obamas screened the film at the White House on Jan. 16, with DuVernay and 40 other guests in attendance.)

In one sense, “Selma” is just a movie in that it follows the tradition of all historical films and biopics: it takes liberties with the facts in order to produce what the director feels will be a compelling narrative.

For example, I understand why DuVernay poignantly notes the murder of Viola Liuzzo, the White Detroit-area housewife who had journeyed to Selma to volunteer as a worker on the triumphant Selma to Montgomery march but omitted mentioning that two Black teenaged boys not connected with the March were murdered by Whites in Montgomery that day in retaliation for it. It’s because her expertly crafted, powerful narrative can’t take note of everything that happened. That’s why I also accept her mis-characterization of President Johnson.

She’s actually made him embody aspects of President John F. Kennedy and the infamous J. Edgar Hoover as well. Hopefully, the controversy will spur at least some viewers to read the histories that more accurately depict Johnson’s extraordinary contribution to the freedom struggle.

That particular debate is part of the proof that “Selma” is more than “just” a movie – that the “something at work” in the controversy about “Selma” is the contest of History.

David Carr, the New York Times media critic, recently wrote that “This is not a movie that endangers L.B.J.’s legacy, it cements King’s at a near perfect moment in history and should be celebrated as such.”

He’s right about that, but I’m glad for both the celebration and the controversy because that’s what the discussion of history is: a debate over people, ideas, and, yes, even facts. Indeed, due in large measure to the challenge the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s hurled at the untrue version of the American past and the American present, we’ve had an ever-increasing flood of books over the last half century that have unearthed more of the true histories of all Americans – Blacks, Whites, Asian-Americans, American Indians, Hispanic Americans, women as a group, gays and lesbians, White ethnic immigrants, etc.

In other words, what the Movement put at the top of the American agenda, and what “Selma” illustrates beautifully, was the right of Black Americans (and, by extension, other stigmatized groups) to express one’s views – by voice, by vote, by making a film, etc. – and have that be counted in the debate over what America was and is and will be.

In that regard, one can say of DuVernay’s “Selma” what one can say of the Civil Rights Movement itself: Mission Accomplished.

 

Lee A. Daniels is a longtime journalist based in New York City. His essay, “Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Great Provocateur,” appears in Africa’s Peacemakers: Nobel Peace Laureates of African Descent (2014), published by Zed Books. His new collection of columns, Race Forward: Facing America’s Racial Divide in 2014, is available at www.amazon.com.

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Ben Jealous

COMMENTARY: Make Banks Make Good on Their Pledge to End Fossil Fuel Financing

ConocoPhillips needs more than the disastrous approval it won from the Biden administration last week to proceed with its Willow oil drilling project on Alaska’s North Slope. It needs $8 to $10 billion to build 199 wells, hundreds of miles of road and pipelines, a processing plant, and an airstrip on 499 acres that are vital to caribou, migratory birds and indigenous people.

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Ben Jealous is executive director of the Sierra Club. He is a professor of practice at the University of Pennsylvania and author of “Never Forget Our People Were Always Free,” published in January.
Ben Jealous is executive director of the Sierra Club. He is a professor of practice at the University of Pennsylvania and author of “Never Forget Our People Were Always Free,” published in January.

By Ben Jealous

ConocoPhillips needs more than the disastrous approval it won from the Biden administration last week to proceed with its Willow oil drilling project on Alaska’s North Slope. It needs $8 to $10 billion to build 199 wells, hundreds of miles of road and pipelines, a processing plant, and an airstrip on 499 acres that are vital to caribou, migratory birds and indigenous people.

While President Biden certainly could have stopped Willow, so can the financial institutions helping create it. Willow is just the most recent example of banks’ complicity in preserving fossil fuel extraction through a continuing flow of money to Big Oil and Gas — all despite pledging a year ago to pursue the net zero carbon emissions we need to save the planet.

That’s why I joined activists from Third Act Tuesday on a block in Washington to protest among the offices of banking giants Bank of America, Chase, Citibank, and Wells Fargo in our nation’s capital. Third Act is a group founded by environmentalist and author Bill McKibben to bring together Americans over 60 to campaign for a sustainable planet. While I’m still too young to join, I was part of demonstrations they organized at bank branches across the country.

We were there to call out these “dirty” banks’ practices and their unacceptable costs — both immediate and long-term. Right now, any money that goes to Willow and fossil fuel projects like it, is money that won’t be invested in a clean economy, particularly in fledgling companies that are finding sustainable ways to power the planet. It’s those jobs that Alaskans and their descendants really need.

Longer term, the banks’ lending will weaken the impact of an historic $370 billion investment our country will make in the next decade on green technology and alternatives to oil and gas. As those investments pay off, there will be less and less demand for oil coming from projects like Willow. But the supply will remain steady (for 30 years in Willow’s case). So, gas will be cheaper for the holdouts who continue to use it, making it even harder to push them to make the switch.

The situation got even more dire with the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank and the shadow of doubt it unfairly cast on other regional banks. Banks of that size have been vital to the growth of the clean economy. For example, Silicon Valley reportedly financed 60% of community solar energy projects in which property owners jointly construct a solar facility to power their neighborhoods.

The consequence of the turmoil has been to concentrate even more power in the biggest banks. Bank of America, for example, took in close to $15 billion in new deposits in a matter of days after Silicon Valley was taken over by federal regulators.

That makes it even more imperative that we hold these banks to their pledges not to fund new fossil fuel projects (HSBC, Europe’s biggest bank, is keeping that promise). Third Act has suggestions that most people can take to be part of that accountability — cut up credit cards issued by the banks and move deposits out of them, not into them. When more and more people do that, they will be strengthening the case of a small group of the banks’ investors who have begun introducing resolutions at shareholder meetings calling for an end to fossil fuel financing.

Throughout our country’s history, it’s been profitable to consider certain people and places as disposable. We know where continuing that unjust path will lead — to a planet that’s too polluted and too hot to be livable. We’ve passed the time when financial institutions can postpone an end to their investment in the climate’s demise. It’s time these dirty banks put their money somewhere else.

Ben Jealous is executive director of the Sierra Club. He is a professor of practice at the University of Pennsylvania and author of “Never Forget Our People Were Always Free,” published in January

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Ben Jealous

COMMENTARY: A Historic Vote and the Tools It Gave Us

Vice President Kamala Harris is sure to be remembered every March in Women’s History Month as the first woman and the first person of color to serve our nation in that position. As notable as those two facts are, she may grow to be known just as much for a single vote in the Senate that helped save the planet.

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Caption: Ben Jealous.
Ben Jealous

By Ben Jealous

Vice President Kamala Harris is sure to be remembered every March in Women’s History Month as the first woman and the first person of color to serve our nation in that position. As notable as those two facts are, she may grow to be known just as much for a single vote in the Senate that helped save the planet.

Last August, she broke the 50-50 deadlock between Democrats and Republicans in the Senate to pass the Inflation Reduction Act. That historic package, along with the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act that Harris had crisscrossed the country in 2021 to build support for, give us a once-in-a-generation chance to protect the climate and build a cleaner, fairer economy.

Both laws bear Harris’ mark. For example, the two packages provide billions to replace diesel school buses with electric ones and an additional tax credit for purchases that counties and cities make on their own. As a senator, Harris repeatedly sponsored bills to electrify the nation’s school buses. Similarly, she championed proposals to help recovery in low-income communities that bear a disproportionate burden of pollution and climate; the IRA includes $60 billion directed to help those places.

Harris’ role inside and outside Washington on environmental issues isn’t surprising. When she was elected San Francisco’s district attorney 20 years ago, she started one of the first environmental justice units in a prosecutor’s office. When she moved on to be California’s attorney general, she fought to protect the state from fossil fuel interests, winning tens of millions in civil settlements and a criminal indictment against the pipeline company responsible for an oil spill off Santa Barbara, as well as suing the federal government to block fracking off the coast. It’s a path others have been able to follow in the years since (Columbia University keeps a database of attorneys general’s environmental actions now).

It’s a concern that runs deep. Like I did, Harris grew up in environmentally conscious northern California in a household deeply involved in the civil rights movement. She learned early that conservation was a good thing, so much so that she has joked she couldn’t understand as a youngster why people she knew said conservatives were bad.

The Biden-Harris administration has provided leadership. With Congress, they’ve given us the tools to clean up pollution, to boost communities’ resilience to climate related natural disasters like wildfires, and to create good jobs in clean manufacturing across the country in unprecedented ways. Through the infrastructure and inflation reduction packages, the United States can spend more than double protecting Earth than we spent putting astronauts on the moon.

“I think we all understand we have to be solutions driven. And the solutions are at hand,” Harris said at a climate summit earlier this month. “We need to make up for some lost time, no doubt. This is going to have an exponential impact on where we need to go.”

It’s time for the rest of us to pick up those tools and build. There are powerful interests that would be more than happy to let the inertia that allows people and places to be treated as disposable continue indefinitely. Our planet can’t afford that, and we have to marshal a movement to prevent it.

Ben Jealous is executive director of the Sierra Club. He is a professor of practice at the University of Pennsylvania and author of “Never Forget Our People Were Always Free,” published in January.

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Bay Area

OPINION: Mayor Sheng Thao’s Decision to Fire Police Chief Difficult but Necessary

After a 30-day suspension and the inaction of the empowered Police Commission, Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao made the difficult but necessary determination to administer discipline for the complicit cover-up actions of the chief of police.

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Jose Dorado
Jose Dorado

By Jose Dorado and Mariano Contreras

After a 30-day suspension and the inaction of the empowered Police Commission, Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao made the difficult but necessary determination to administer discipline for the complicit cover-up actions of the chief of police.

The Latino Task Force supports Thao’s decision to fire Oakland Police Chief LeRonne Armstrong. All Oakland Police Department sworn officers who participated in concealing facts should receive similar discipline. Further, those officers who refused to engage in the cover-up should be recognized and commended.

Decades of cover-ups and no accountability in OPD were rampant before the Riders case gave way to the now 20-year-old consent decree. By firing the chief, Thao sent a clear message that the deep-seated blue wall of cover-up will no longer be tolerated in Oakland.

Thao displayed authentic leadership by weighing the implications and impact that police misconduct and untruthfulness have on all Oakland residents. Bold and necessary decisions are generally opposed by a few, while positively affecting many.

Only with accountability and resolute leadership can we achieve constitutional policing in Oakland. Just as important, the community’s involvement and oversight are necessary to ensure fair and sustainable policing.

Direct community involvement demanding OPD accountability and supporting the tough decisions necessary to achieve this must be emphasized.

The Latino Task Force unequivocally supports the mayor’s decision.

Jose Dorado and Mariano Contreras are members of the Latino Task Force.

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