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Opinion: Housing Affordability Crisis Requires Bold Action

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By Assemblymember Rob Bonta

In times of crisis, all options must be on the table.

Many parts of California are suffering from a rental housing affordability crisis. According to a January 2017 Public Policy Institute of California report, our state has six of the nation’s 11 most expensive large metropolitan rental markets. People renting in the Bay Area and Los Angeles are feeling this crisis most acutely.

Another report by the Department of Housing and Community Development showed 84 percent of rental households are now considered “burdened,” meaning these individuals and families are being forced to spend 30 to 50 percent or more of their income on rent.

How can we provide our California tenants with the protections needed to ensure a roof over their heads during this crisis?

One proposal I have put forward for consideration, along with my colleagues Assemblymembers Richard Bloom (D-Santa Monica) and David Chiu (D-San Francisco), is the repeal of the Costa Hawkins Act.

Passed in 1995, Costa Hawkins imposes blanket, statewide prohibitions that prevent cities from protecting tenants in three main areas.

First, Costa Hawkins permanently exempts new construction from any local rent control.  New construction is defined as a structure built after 1995.  The impact of this law is magnified each year.

It means that years from now, in 2045 or 2095, for example, a 50-year-old building or a hundred-year-old building, originally built in 1995, will remain exempt from rent control under the theory that the building is still considered “new!”

Second, Costa Hawkins prevents local communities from ever extending rent control tenant protections to single family homes or condominiums.  In our current housing crisis, California tenants living in these critical forms of housing are suffering too.

Third, and finally, the law imposes a statewide bar on “vacancy control”– or rent control that continues in a unit after a previous tenant has moved out and a new tenant has moved in.

This guarantees that landlords of rent-controlled units have the unfettered ability to hike their rents up, often by hundreds of dollars, to market rates whenever a tenant moves out.  The odd logic here is that a community’s need for affordable housing is somehow diminished because a single tenant moves out of an apartment.

This provision of the law has had damaging results.  In the years since Costa Hawkins took effect, the affordability of 77 percent of these rent-controlled units has been lost thereby reducing the inventory of affordable units and stripping away protections from countless tenants.

The repeal of Costa Hawkins would remove these three absolute, statewide prohibitions, and, in their place, insert local control.

Because they are closest to it, our local leaders know best the full gravity and destructive impact of our current affordability crisis.  Families are being displaced and pushed out. People cannot afford to live in the communities where they grew up.

Workers are having to drive greater distances to their jobs because they can’t afford to live where they work, thus increasing traffic congestion and air pollution and further damaging our already-fragile environment.

Our local leaders see these tragedies play out every day in their communities.  And they should be armed with the ability to address them.

Repeal of Costa Hawking would not mean that every local community would subsequently impose or expand rent control laws.

But rather than barring the consideration of tenant protections in these three areas during this time of crisis, it would place an important tool back in the hands of local government leaders.

For those cities that really need it, rent control can be an appropriate and effective tool to protect tenants.

This effort clearly will not be easy.   But when 84 percent of renters are struggling, this is an “all hands on deck” moment in which we must act– and act boldly.  Repealing Costa Hawkins must be on the table.

Rob Bonta is the assistant majority leader of the California State Assembly representing the cities of Oakland, Alameda and San Leandro.

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Oakland Post: Week of August 5 – 11, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of August 5 – 11, 2026

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COMMENTARY: Jim Crow 2.0 at the Pentagon

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The American people are expected to believe that one extraordinary officer after another suddenly fails to meet some undefined standard of excellence. We are expected to ignore impeccable service records while accepting that political appointees alone possess the wisdom to determine who is worthy of advancement.

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Pete Hegseth insists that he is restoring “merit” to the United States military. But after months of dismissals, blocked promotions, and ideological purges, the evidence tells a different story. His campaign against so-called “diversity, equity, and inclusion” has become something far more dangerous: an assault on equal opportunity that falls with particular force on African Americans, while also targeting women, Latinos, gay Americans, and transgender service members.

The latest example is both troubling and infuriating.

Once again, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has reportedly blocked the promotion of an exceptionally qualified woman—Rear Admiral Amy Bauernschmidt. Bauernschmidt is no ordinary officer. She became the Navy’s first woman to command a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, one of the most demanding leadership assignments in the world. Her career reflects decades of exemplary performance, operational excellence, and leadership under extraordinary pressure.

Yet once again, a distinguished military career appears to have been subordinated to an ideological agenda masquerading as “merit.”

I call BS!

The American people are expected to believe that one extraordinary officer after another suddenly fails to meet some undefined standard of excellence. We are expected to ignore impeccable service records while accepting that political appointees alone possess the wisdom to determine who is worthy of advancement.

The pattern has become impossible to ignore.

General Charles Q. Brown Jr., only the second African American to serve as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was dismissed despite a career that placed him among the most accomplished military leaders of his generation.

Admiral Lisa Franchetti, the first woman ever to serve as Chief of Naval Operations, was removed despite decades of distinguished command experience.

Reports have documented interventions that blocked or delayed the promotions of Black officers and women selected through the military’s rigorous promotion system.

Now Rear Admiral Amy Bauernschmidt joins the growing list of highly accomplished officers whose careers have been derailed for reasons that have never been persuasively explained.

Where is Congress?

Its silence has become deafening.

Congress has an independent constitutional responsibility to oversee the armed forces. Instead, too many lawmakers have watched silently while one of the nation’s most respected institutions is subjected to ideological litmus tests and political interference.

This is not military reform.  It is testosterone-fueled performative masculinity disguised as a philosophy of military excellence.

The irony is impossible to miss. Hegseth repeatedly invokes “merit,” yet his rhetoric begins with the assumption that Black officers, women, and other historically excluded Americans must somehow justify their achievements in ways that white male officers are rarely required to do.

That is not meritocracy.  It is prejudice wrapped in patriotic language.

No one is asking that anyone be promoted because of race or gender. Americans simply expect that promotions be based on demonstrated competence, leadership, integrity, and service. The officers being targeted have already proven themselves repeatedly under one of the world’s most demanding evaluation systems.

Their records speak for themselves.

The attack on African American military leadership has been especially pernicious.

For generations, Black Americans fought in segregated units, earned decorations while denied equal treatment, and repeatedly demonstrated loyalty to a nation that often failed to extend them full citizenship. They broke barriers not because standards were lowered but because excellence finally overcame institutional discrimination.

Today’s campaign against “diversity” threatens to revive old assumptions under new slogans.

The implication that Black generals and admirals somehow owe their success to affirmative action rather than extraordinary performance echoes some of the ugliest stereotypes of the Jim Crow era. Yesterday’s segregationists claimed Black Americans were inherently less qualified. Today’s culture warriors simply employ more politically acceptable language while inviting the same suspicion about Black achievement.

That is why Hegseth’s campaign increasingly resembles Jim Crow 2.0.

The targets may now wear stars on their shoulders instead of military patches on segregated uniforms, but the underlying message is hauntingly familiar: Black excellence is presumed suspect, while white excellence is presumed earned.

America’s military became the finest fighting force in history because it opened its doors to talent wherever it could be found. It grew stronger after President Truman desegregated the armed forces. It became stronger when women assumed greater command responsibilities. It became stronger when every qualified American was given the opportunity to serve to the fullest extent of their abilities.

Diversity is not a concession.  It is a strategic advantage.

The nation’s adversaries do not fear an American military because it is racially homogeneous. They fear it because it draws upon the talents of more than 340 million Americans whose diverse experiences, perspectives, and abilities make our armed forces unmatched anywhere in the world.

Every politically motivated dismissal of a distinguished officer sends a chilling message throughout the ranks: excellence alone may no longer be enough if you belong to the wrong demographic group.

That weakens morale.  It weakens recruitment.  It weakens retention.

And ultimately, it weakens national security.

Pete Hegseth has every right to pursue military readiness. He has no right to redefine merit in ways that repeatedly cast suspicion upon the accomplishments of Black officers, women, and others who have devoted their lives to defending this nation.

America deserves better.  The men and women who wear the uniform deserve better.  The Constitution deserves better.

And unless Congress finds the courage to exercise meaningful oversight, history may well remember this period not as a restoration of military excellence, but as the moment political ideology attempted to resurrect, in modern form, the old poison of exclusion.

Jim Crow did not strengthen America.  Jim Crow 2.0 will not strengthen America’s military.  It will only diminish it

Wade Henderson
Strategic Advisor
Civil and Human Rights
wade@wadejhenderson.com

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Oakland Post: Week of July 29 – August 4, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of July 29 – August 4, 2026

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