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OP-ED The Youth Voice Shouldn’t Be Optional — It Should Be Mandatory

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE—Every town hall, policy hearing, and community roundtable on the future consistently ignores one group: our youth. We speak about their future, legislate around their needs, and implement policies that will directly shape the trajectory of their lives—but rarely do we fully invite them into the room. And even when we do, it’s often […]

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BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE—Every town hall, policy hearing, and community roundtable on the future consistently ignores one group: our youth.

We speak about their future, legislate around their needs, and implement policies that will directly shape the trajectory of their lives—but rarely do we fully invite them into the room. And even when we do, it’s often symbolic. A token seat, a moment at the mic, a photo op for the press. That isn’t inclusion. Its performance.

Let’s be clear: the youth voice shouldn’t be optional. It should be mandatory.

Young people aren’t just observing the consequences of today’s decisions—they’re living them. They ride overcrowded and sometimes unsafe school buses. They sit in classrooms impacted by teacher shortages and crumbling infrastructure. They grow up in communities where access to healthy food, affordable housing, and stable internet remains inconsistent. Many witness their families struggling with the rising cost of living, gun violence, and health care disparities. They feel the effects of climate change not in theory, but in their everyday lives—through record heatwaves, flooding, and school closures.

And yet, when it comes to shaping the policies that address these challenges, youth are too often told to “wait their turn,” as if civic responsibility and political voice have an age restriction.

The truth is, young people already have the passion, the clarity, and the power to lead. What they lack is access.

We must stop treating youth engagement as a feel-good checkbox or a public relations gesture. When students organize national walkouts demanding safer schools, when teen activists speak at climate summits or testify before Congress, and when young entrepreneurs launch nonprofits and tech solutions to tackle inequality, they are modeling exactly the kind of leadership we say we want—not someday, but now.

Real Youth Leadership Across the Nation

Across the country, young people are stepping up—and making a measurable impact:

  • In Chicago, youth involved in the Mikva Challenge have helped shape city budget priorities and criminal justice reform through youth policy councils embedded in government.
  • In Oakland, student organizers successfully lobbied for the elimination of school police, leading to a reinvestment in student support services and restorative justice programs.
  • In Florida, the March For Our Lives movement—founded by high school students in the aftermath of the Parkland shooting—has transformed national conversations on gun safety and led to new state and federal legislation.
  • In Alaska, young Indigenous leaders are pushing for climate justice and land protection, blending traditional knowledge with modern advocacy.

These aren’t fringe examples. These are proof points that when we empower youth with tools, access, and decision-making authority, everyone benefits.

As 17-year-old activist Naila Williams of New York said during a youth policy summit, “We are not the leaders of tomorrow. We are the leaders right now. Tomorrow isn’t promised—but our futures are already being negotiated.”

What the Data Shows

According to the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) at Tufts University:

  • Communities that actively integrate youth in decision-making—through school boards, advisory councils, or participatory budgeting—see higher civic engagement, better school attendance, and more equitable policy outcomes.
  • In Takoma Park, Maryland, 16- and 17-year-olds were granted the right to vote in municipal elections, and in the first year, they turned out at twice the turnout rate of older voters.
  • States and districts that invest in youth leadership programs, like California’s Youth Empowerment Commission or Boston’s Youth Council, report stronger trust between youth and government and increased diversity in leadership pipelines.

These outcomes are not abstract. They are the direct result of institutionalizing youth voice—not just inviting it.

Building a Culture of Youth Power

Imagine every city council, school board, and state legislature with a required youth representative—empowered, trained, and given real voting authority. Imagine town halls held at high schools, not just country clubs. Imagine public budgets co-developed by youth and adult stakeholders. This isn’t a radical vision. It’s what authentic democracy should look like.

Youth engagement must be woven into the structure of our institutions: government, philanthropy, nonprofits, media, and business. That means funding leadership training, creating pathways from classrooms to boardrooms, and ensuring youth can serve on commissions, task forces, and legislative bodies—with pay, mentorship, and real influence.

This also means rethinking how we define expertise. Experience is not just something gained over decades—it’s also lived daily by the 14-year-old facing housing insecurity, or the 19-year-old leading a climate strike, or the 16-year-old navigating mental health care for themselves and their peers. These experiences deserve weight in decision-making rooms.

The Stakes Are Too High to Exclude the Youth Voice

As someone who has worked in education, run after-school programs, and partnered with youth nationwide, I’ve seen firsthand the brilliance and urgency that young people bring when given the space to lead. I’ve also seen how often that brilliance is overlooked because of outdated hierarchies, adultism, or fear of disruption.

But disruption is exactly what we need.

This is not about giving young people a seat at a table we’ve already set. It’s about rebuilding the table with their leadership as part of its foundation.

The issues facing our country—economic inequality, gun violence, climate change, and the erosion of democracy—are too urgent for incrementalism. If we want real, sustainable, forward-thinking solutions, we need to listen to those who will live with the consequences of every decision we make.

Young people are ready. They’ve been ready. The only question is: Are we ready to follow their lead?

It’s time we stop treating youth engagement as a luxury, a side project, or a one-time grant-funded initiative. The youth voice isn’t charity. It’s not extra. It’s a necessity.

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Black Artists in America, Installation Three Wraps at the Dixon Gallery and Gardens

TRI-STATE DEFENDER — With 50+ paintings, sculptures and assemblages, the exhibit features artists like Varnette Honeywood from Los Angeles, whose pieces appeared in Bill Coby’s private collection (before they were auctioned off) and on “The Cosby Show.” Also included are works by Alonzo Davis, another Los Angeles artist who opened one of the first galleries there where Black Artists could exhibit. 

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By Candace A. Gray | Tri-State Defender

The tulips gleefully greet those who enter the gates at the Dixon Gallery & Gardens on an almost spring day. More than 650,000 bulbs of various hues are currently on display. And they are truly breathtaking.

Inside the gallery, and equally as breathtaking, is the “Black Artists in America, From the Bicentennial to September 11” exhibit, which runs through Sunday, March 29. This is the third installment of a three-part series that started years ago and illustrates part of the Black experience through visual arts in the 20th century.

“This story picks up where part two left off,’’ said Kevin Sharp, the Linda W. and S. Herbert Rhea director for the Dixon. “This era is when we really start to see the emergence of these important Black artists’ agency and freedom shine through. They start to say and express what they want to, and it was a really beautiful time.”

With 50+ paintings, sculptures and assemblages, the exhibit features artists like Varnette Honeywood from Los Angeles, whose pieces appeared in Bill Coby’s private collection (before they were auctioned off) and on “The Cosby Show.” Also included are works by Alonzo Davis, another Los Angeles artist who opened one of the first galleries there where Black Artists could exhibit.

“Though [Davis] was from LA, he actually lived in Memphis for a decade,” said Sharp. “He was a dean at Memphis College of Art, and later opened the first gallery in New York owned and operated by black curators.”

Another featured artist is former NFL player, Ernie Barnes. His work is distinctive. Where have you seen one of his most popular paintings, Sugar Shack? On the end scene and credits of the hit show “Good Times.” His piece Saturday Night, Durham, North Carolina, 1974 is in this collection.

Memphis native James Little’s “The War Baby: The Triptych” is among more than 50 works featured in “Black Artists in America, From the Bicentennial to September 11” at the Dixon Gallery & Gardens, the final installment of a three-part series highlighting the impact and evolution of Black artists through 2011.

Memphis native James Little’s “The War Baby: The Triptych” is among more than 50 works featured in “Black Artists in America, From the Bicentennial to September 11” at the Dixon Gallery & Gardens, the final installment of a three-part series highlighting the impact and evolution of Black artists through 2011.

The exhibit features other artists with Memphis ties, including abstract painter James Little, who was raised in a segregated Memphis and attended Memphis Academy of Art (before it was Memphis College of Art). He later moved to New York, became a teacher and an internationally acclaimed fixture in the art world in 2022 when he was named a Whitney Biennial selected artist at the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York.

Other artists like Romare Bearden, who had a Southern experience but lived up North, were featured in all three installments.

“During this period of time, he was a major figure,” said Sharp. “He wrote one of the first books on the history of African American art during a time when there were more Black academics, art teachers, more Black everything!”

Speaking of Black educators, Sharp said the head curator behind this tri-part series and Dixon’s partner in the arts is Earnestine Jenkins, Ph.D., an art history professor at the University of Memphis, who also earned a Master of Arts degree from Memphis State University (now UofM).  “We began working with Dr. Jenkins in 2018,” he said.

Sharp explained that it takes a team of curators, registrars, counterparts at other museums, and more, about three years to assemble an exhibit like this. It came together quite seamlessly, he added. Each room conjured up more jaw-dropping “wows” than the one before it. Each piece worked with the others to tell the story of Black people and their collective experience during this time period.

One of the last artists about whom Sharp shared information was Bettye Saar, who will turn 100 years old this year. She’s been working in Los Angeles for 80 years and is finally getting her due. Her medium is collages or assemblages, and an incredible work of hers is on display. She’s married to an artist and has two daughters, also artists.

The exhibit catalogue bears some of these artists’ stories, among other scholarly information.

The exhibit, presented by the Joe Orgill Family Fund for Exhibitions, is culturally and colorfully rich. It is a must see and admission to the Dixon is free.

Visit https://www.dixon.org/ to learn more.

Fun Facts: An original James Little design lives in the flooring of the basketball court at Tom Lee Park, and he makes and mixes his own paint colors.

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Grief, Advocacy, and Education: A Counselor Reflects on Black Maternal Health

SAN DIEGO VOICE & VIEWPOINT — Last month healthcare leaders, birth workers, and community members gathered to honor the legacy of Charleston native Dr. Janell Green Smith, a nurse-midwife and doctor of nursing practice who died in January from childbirth complications. She had participated in more than 300 births and specialized in helping Black women give birth safely.  

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By Jennifer Porter Gore | Word-In-Black | San Diego Voice and Viewpoint

In 2024, the number of U.S. mothers who died as a result of pregnancy or childbirth dropped compared to 2023. But while slightly fewer Black mothers died that year, they still had three times the mortality rate of white women.

South Carolina’s rates of maternal deaths outpaced even the national rates. In fact, the state’s overall rate of maternal deaths between 2019 and 2023 was higher than all but eight states and the District of Columbia.

Last month healthcare leaders, birth workers, and community members gathered to honor the legacy of Charleston native Dr. Janell Green Smith, a nurse-midwife and doctor of nursing practice who died in January from childbirth complications. She had participated in more than 300 births and specialized in helping Black women give birth safely.

Her death shocked the community and her colleagues who are determined to address concerns about Black maternal health. The event also covered the importance of protecting mental health during grief and of men’s role in solving the maternal health crisis.

As both a therapist and a father, Lawrence Lovell, a licensed professional counselor and founder of Breakthrough Solutions, discussed ways the event’s attendees could process their grief over Green Smith’s death. He also shared ways male partners can advocate for women’s maternal health during pregnancy and childbirth.

Lovell spoke not just as a therapist but also as a father whose own family had briefly crossed paths with Green Smith. The event, he said, emerged organically from a moment of collective mourning.

Despite the grief, “it was still, like, a really beautiful event, a much-needed event, and it almost felt like we were all giving each other a collective family hug,” says Lovell.

His connection to Green Smith, Lovell says, was brief but meaningful during his wife’s pregnancy with their second child. Green Smith was practicing at the same birthing center where they had their child. She began practicing in Greenville a short time later.Even that short connection carried significance for Lovell, given the small number of Black maternal health professionals.

Lovell did not initially plan to become a mental health practitioner; he chose the career path after graduating from college, when someone suggested he consider psychology. His interest deepened when he noticed how few Black men work in mental health.

“Being Black man and playing football in college, there weren’t a lot of people that look like me talking about mental health,” says Lovell. “[I wanted] to give people that look like me an opportunity to work with someone that looks like them.”

Working with Expectant and New Parents

Lovell often counsels couples preparing for parenthood by, helping partners understand what a successful pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum recovery look like. That often means helping women manage postpartum depression.

As a man, Lovell says, it’s “humbling” that a woman “just trusts me enough to work with me through their pregnancy or their postpartum recovery.”

In his work, Lovell has noticed how few men understand pregnancy before they experience it with their partner. Because early pregnancy symptoms are often invisible, he says, men may underestimate how much support a mom-to-be actually needs.

“Sometimes they may not realize they don’t know much about pregnancy and what to expect in those three trimesters,” Lovell says. “I tell a lot of the men that just because you can’t see [she’s pregnant] doesn’t mean that she won’t appreciate your intense support in that first trimester.”

Education about pregnancy and postpartum recovery, he says, can change how men support their partners.

Teaching Advocacy in the Delivery Room

Another major focus of Lovell’s counseling is preparing men to advocate for mothers during labor.

“Helping men understand what pregnancy looks like: what delivery is going to look like, and what are the realistic expectations that I should have of myself in postpartum,” he says.

Lovell encourages partners to be honest about their expectations for what will happen during delivery. He helps them prepare for the big day by discussing the birth plan and knowing how to quickly recognize problems. Clear communication, he says, prevents misunderstandings.

He regularly trains men to ask their partners detailed questions about their expectations during and after pregnancy. Advocacy in medical settings can be especially important and requires attention to details the mother may not be able to address.

“It’s always important to fine-tune things and truly understand what helps your partner feel most supported,” Lovell says. “Instead of guessing, you should ask.”

Lovell recalls a moment during the birth of his first child when he had to take that role.

During the delivery, “I felt like something wasn’t as sanitary as I’d like it to be,” he says. “I asked, ‘Hey, can you switch those out? Can you change your gloves?’”

Lovell has a succinct but powerful message he regularly shares with clients’ families, and he shared it with attendees at last month’s event.

“Just to believe women,” he says. “I’ve worked with different couples, and sometimes I’m not really sure that there’s enough empathy from the men.”

That includes how women express pain.

“If a woman says, ‘my pain is at a nine,’ just because how you would express yourself at a nine is different than how she’s expressing herself at [that level] doesn’t mean you shouldn’t believe her,” he says.

Empathy, he says, can change outcomes far beyond the delivery room.

“We’ve got to believe women when they’re talking about their experiences and their feelings and their pain,” he says. “I think there’s a lot that we can prevent if we empathize better.”

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Future of Florida’s Black History Museum in Limbo

JACKSONVILLE FREE PRESS — A proposal sponsored by Tom Leek, a Republican from Ormond Beach, has now passed the Senate in back-to-back legislative sessions. But the House version, filed by Kiyan Michael, a Jacksonville Republican, did not receive final approval in either year, effectively stalling the effort.

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Jacksonville Free Press

Plans to establish a long-awaited Black history museum in Florida are once again on hold after legislation needed to advance the project failed to clear the state House for a second consecutive year, despite repeated approval in the Senate.

A proposal sponsored by Tom Leek, a Republican from Ormond Beach, has now passed the Senate in back-to-back legislative sessions. But the House version, filed by Kiyan Michael, a Jacksonville Republican, did not receive final approval in either year, effectively stalling the effort.

Under Florida law, identical or similar bills must pass both chambers before heading to the governor’s desk. Without House approval, the legislation has been unable to move forward, leaving the project in limbo. Long journey, contested location.

The proposed museum, formally known as the Florida Museum of Black History, has been years in the making, with lawmakers and community leaders framing it as a long-overdue institution to preserve and showcase the state’s African American heritage .A central point of contention has been the museum’s location. St. Augustine — widely recognized as the nation’s oldest city and a site deeply tied to both slavery and early Black history — emerged as the leading contender. Supporters argue the city’s historical significance makes it a natural home for the museum. However, competing interests and regional considerations have fueled debate, slowing consensus among lawmakers.

While the Senate-backed measure has consistently advanced, the lack of alignment in the House has underscored ongoing divisions about how and where the project should take shape.

The holdup in the Florida House appears to be less about opposition to the museum itself and more about a combination of procedural bottlenecks, unresolved structural issues, and lingering disagreements over how the project should be formalized and governed.

Despite the legislative setbacks, Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis has publicly voiced support for the museum. Speaking last month during the unveiling of a statue of abolitionist Frederick Douglass in St. Augustine, DeSantis said the project would move forward “one way or another,” signaling an intent to see the museum built regardless of legislative hurdles.

The anticipated museum has already cleared several hurdles. St. Johns County signed an agreement last year with Florida Memorial University to use the land that once housed its campus last year’s legislative session netted $1 million in funding for St. Johns County to work on planning and design for the museum. However, its anticipated that a million $3 million is needed.

Still, without statutory approval to finalize key components — including governance, funding mechanisms and site selection — the project remains largely conceptual.
With the House bill failing again, the timeline for the museum’s development is unclear. Lawmakers could revisit the proposal in the next legislative session, but any further delays risk pushing the project back several more years. Advocates warn that continued inaction could stall momentum for a museum many see as critical to telling a fuller, more accurate story of Florida’s past. For now, the effort remains paused — caught between political support at the top and legislative gridlock within the Capitol.

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