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California Lawmakers Want to Know Why Billions in Spending isn’t Reducing Homelessness

The state has spent billions of dollars on homelessness in recent years. So why is the crisis getting worse instead of better? That’s what a bipartisan group of California legislators is trying to get to the bottom of by calling for a first-of-its kind, large-scale audit of the state’s homelessness spending.

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The state has stepped up its involvement and investment in the crisis under Gov. Gavin Newsom's leadership, allocating $20.6 billion toward housing and homelessness since 2018-19, according to the Legislative Analyst's Office. But despite the influx of cash, during that time, the number of unhoused people in the state has increased by nearly a third -- to more than 170,000 as of last year.
The state has stepped up its involvement and investment in the crisis under Gov. Gavin Newsom's leadership, allocating $20.6 billion toward housing and homelessness since 2018-19, according to the Legislative Analyst's Office. But despite the influx of cash, during that time, the number of unhoused people in the state has increased by nearly a third -- to more than 170,000 as of last year.

By Marisa Kendall
CalMatters

The state has spent billions of dollars on homelessness in recent years. So why is the crisis getting worse instead of better?

That’s what a bipartisan group of California legislators is trying to get to the bottom of by calling for a first-of-its kind, large-scale audit of the state’s homelessness spending.

The state has stepped up its involvement and investment in the crisis under Gov. Gavin Newsom’s leadership, allocating $20.6 billion toward housing and homelessness since 2018-19, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office. But despite the influx of cash, during that time, the number of unhoused people in the state has increased by nearly a third — to more than 170,000 as of last year.

That discrepancy between what’s being spent in Sacramento and what voters see — tent cities in their neighborhoods — has many legislators clamoring for an accounting. They have instructed the state auditor to embark on a sweeping project that will analyze multiple state homelessness programs — as well as focus on homelessness spending in two cities — in an attempt to improve California’s response.

“What we’re doing is not working,” said Assemblymember Josh Hoover, a Republican from Folsom who co-authored the audit request with Democratic Sen. Dave Cortese of Santa Clara County. “And I think it’s important to get to the bottom of that and figure out where are we investing that is not getting a return on investment. And we need to stop spending money on the programs that are not working.”

The $743,400 audit, approved unanimously in the state’s legislative audit committee last month, will take about 5,000 hours of staff time and is likely to be complete by October, State Auditor Grant Parks said during the hearing. It will scrutinize the cost-effectiveness of as many as five state homelessness programs. The auditor has yet to reveal which ones, but Project Homekey — one of Newsom’s signature efforts to create homeless housing — likely will be one. And the audit will analyze spending in two California cities — San Jose and one other yet to be determined.

The analysis will focus on questions such as: How many people received services between 2020 and 2023? How much funding have San Jose and the other city received, and how has it been spent? How much of that money went toward administrative costs instead of services?

Newsom’s office wouldn’t weigh in on the pending audit, except to issue a statement: “This process is still in its early stages, and we will continue to closely monitor any future developments.”

Myles White, assistant secretary of legislation for the California Business, Consumer Services and Housing Agency, defended the state’s track record during the legislative hearing. “A lot of the progress we’ve made provides a really solid foundation for us to continue in the days ahead,” he said.

San Jose officials said they have used state funds effectively and efficiently, and have been transparent in their work. Local officials rallied at the state Capitol last week, demanding that the state give them an ongoing $3 billion a year to address homelessness.

Cortese began pushing for the audit after touring a massive homeless encampment on vacant land near San Jose’s airport. One of the largest in California, the camp was home to more than 400 people during the pandemic. What he saw shocked and appalled him: “Rodents running around your feet. Massive piles of trash. Tons of broken RVs and abandoned cars. Cars turned upside down with people living inside.”

When Cortese brought up the idea of a state audit, he says local officials told him while they had spent local money, they hadn’t used state funding to improve conditions or offer services at that encampment.

“Which to me just really begged the question: ‘What’s going on?'” Cortese said.

That camp has since been cleared; the Federal Aviation Administration had threatened to withhold airport funds from the city because the camp extended into flight paths. But the city couldn’t move everyone into housing or shelter, and some people have moved to another lot just across the street.

Past attempts at accountability

Cortese’s audit isn’t the first time California’s homelessness response has come under scrutiny. Earlier this year, the Interagency Council on Homelessness found the state spent nearly $10 billion on homelessness between 2018 and 2021 and served more than 571,000 people. But despite that effort, most of those people still didn’t get a roof over their heads.

And in 2021, a state audit of five local governments found that they did not always comply with federal regulations or follow best practices when responding to homelessness.

The new audit will be an “entirely different animal,” Cortese said, as it will go deeper into the state’s spending. Legislators hope it also will make specific recommendations as to how ineffective programs could be improved or even cut — something the Interagency Council’s report didn’t do.

The heightened scrutiny comes as Newsom has both ramped up spending and rolled out a series of new homelessness programs since the COVID-19 pandemic began. Those include Project Roomkey, which temporarily put elderly and medically compromised unhoused people up in hotels; Homekey, which gives cities and counties money to turn some of those hotels (and other buildings) into longer-term homeless housing; and the Encampment Resolution Grant program, which gives cities and counties money to clear homeless encampments and move occupants into housing and shelters.

It’s no surprise that Republicans would continue their critique of the liberal governor’s spending. But the recent involvement of Cortese and other Democrats signals the politics have shifted.

For example, Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from the San Fernando Valley, is pushing her own accountability bill. Assembly Bill 799 would force the state to set specific goals for reducing homelessness, while also allowing funding to be reallocated away from local agencies that fail to meet their goals.

“We get asked by our constituents,” she said. “They ask ‘Where is this funding going to? Is it really being used effectively?'”

Even Newsom himself has advocated for more accountability. He recently began requiring that cities and counties submit “homeless action plans” before receiving state funding, and he briefly held $1 billion hostage after determining the plans they drafted weren’t ambitious enough.

During last month’s hearing, several legislators advocated for the auditor to choose cities in their own districts. Some made pitches for Los Angeles and Sacramento, while others pushed for smaller cities.

Gail Osmer, a San Jose advocate who led Cortese on the encampment tour that inspired the audit, spoke alongside the senator at the hearing. In an interview, she said she hopes the audit’s findings will be a wake-up call for her city.

Osmer has been critical of how the city cleared the airport encampment. Camp residents were promised services, such as free repairs for their cars and RVs, that many people never received, she said.

“People are not held accountable,” Osmer said. “Where’s the money going?”

Activism

Oakland Post: Week of April 17 – 23, 2024

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of April 17 – 23, 2024

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Bay Area

Oakland Finishes Final Draft of Downtown Specific Plan for Potential City Improvements

In late March, Oakland’s city administration announced the final draft of their Downtown Specific Plan, a blueprint for city improvements and developments over the next 20 years. The comprehensive 474-page plan lays out policies for downtown developments that will increase economic, social and cultural, and communal opportunities for residents and workers who frequent this essential hub in Oakland.

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Skyline aerial view of the urban core of downtown Oakland, California. Credit to MattGush, iStock
Skyline aerial view of the urban core of downtown Oakland, California. Credit to MattGush, iStock

By Magaly Muñoz

In late March, Oakland’s city administration announced the final draft of their Downtown Specific Plan, a blueprint for city improvements and developments over the next 20 years.

The comprehensive 474-page plan lays out policies for downtown developments that will increase economic, social and cultural, and communal opportunities for residents and workers who frequent this essential hub in Oakland.

Several departments over the course of eight years developed the plan, with two phases that emphasized a need for community input from local stakeholders, such as leaders and residents, and a focus on the role of social and racial equity in past and future developments.

Throughout the extensive plan, the concept of equity for marginalized communities is embedded with each goal and priority for the improvements to downtown. It acknowledges that social and racial barriers are preventing these communities from thriving on an equal playing field.

The authors identified six key disparities, or ‘equity indicators’, that set the baseline for how success will be measured for the improvements. These indicators include the burden of housing costs, homelessness, displacement, disconnected youth, unemployment rate and median income.

The plan is also broken up into chapters, each describing a major issue or topic that is plaguing downtown residents and workers, such as mobility, culture preservation, community health and sustainability, and land use and urban design.

Within each chapter, the authors dedicate a section to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic for the various areas of interest, illustrating how disparities and inequities increased before and after the disease’s peak.

Two major issues highlighted in the plan are economic opportunity and housing and homelessness. Both of these issues have been aggravated by the pandemic and require substantial support and resources to move forward.

Many reports coming out of the commercial and residential districts downtown have blamed the rise in crime and cost of living as reasons for leaving Oakland for other cities or closing down indefinitely.

The plan attributes rising rents of both residential and commercial properties to the displacement of local businesses and entrepreneurs. Downtown also has an imbalance in the jobs to housing ratio, which limits access to jobs as commuting distances increase.

Other concerns for the local economy are barriers to employment opportunities for workers of color, non-English speakers, and those with limited access to transportation. As stated in the plan, downtown also has a lack of vacancies near public transit hubs, such as BART, bus stops or ferry terminals, which could save workers money and time for their commutes into the city.

According to the downtown plan, the average unemployment rate for the white population was 5.9%, but the Asian population was at 6.7%, and for the Black population it was even higher at 10.4%.

The proposed solutions for the lack of economic prosperity include providing assistance to local businesses owned by people of color, reinforcing downtown as the ‘place to be’ for nightlife entertainment, and building businesses closer to public transit.

The addition of over 18.3 million (m) sq. ft. of new commercial space, 1.3m sq. ft. of new institutional space, and 500,000 sq. ft. of new industrial space, could potentially create almost 57,000 jobs downtown.

Housing and homelessness, issues closely tied to economic prosperity, are top concerns for Oakland residents. High rents have led to displacement and homelessness for those unable to keep up with the rising costs of the Bay Area.

Over 5,000 people are currently experiencing homelessness in Oakland, according to 2022 Point In Time data. 60% of this population is Black despite only making up nearly 20% of the total city population.

The plan explains that by adding nearly 29,000 new homes and expanding affordable housing units across the city by 2040, this would help alleviate the stress of obtaining and affording a home.

Strategies proposed to tackle the housing and homelessness crisis include increasing renter protections, providing additional shelters and services for homeless residents, and promoting homeownership in downtown with first-time buyer assistance and proactive assistance to vulnerable homeowners.

The plan acknowledges that the implementation of changes and developments amongst the several concerns outlined in the document will take time, both in short and long term periods.

To better explain how and when each project will be addressed over the course of the next two decades, a detailed 123-page graph shows which agencies, potential funding sources, and costs come with the goals.

The Oakland Planning Commission and Landmarks Preservation Advisory Board will each hold public hearings regarding the final draft of the Downtown Plan in May and June.

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City Government

LAO Releases Report on Racial and Ethnic Disparities in California Child Welfare System

Racial inequalities in California’s child welfare system disproportionately impact poor Black and Native American children, according to a report released April 3 by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO). The report, which was presented to the Assembly Subcommittee No. 2 on Human Services — chaired by Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley) — states that the proportion of low-income Black and Native American children in foster care is four times larger than other racial and ethnic groups in the state.

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“Racial and ethnic disproportionality and disparities are present within initial allegations and persist at all levels of the system -- becoming the most pronounced for youth in care,” the report states.
“Racial and ethnic disproportionality and disparities are present within initial allegations and persist at all levels of the system -- becoming the most pronounced for youth in care,” the report states.

Racial inequalities in California’s child welfare system disproportionately impact poor Black and Native American children, according to a report released April 3 by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO).

The report, which was presented to the Assembly Subcommittee No. 2 on Human Services — chaired by Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley) — states that the proportion of low-income Black and Native American children in foster care is four times larger than other racial and ethnic groups in the state.  Half of the children from each racial group has experienced some level of child welfare involvement before reaching legal age.

Jackson is a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus.

“Racial and ethnic disproportionality and disparities are present within initial allegations and persist at all levels of the system — becoming the most pronounced for youth in care,” the report states.

The disparities have persisted over the last decade across the state, the LAO found, adding that Black children living in poverty are more likely to enter foster care. State data shows that there is a correlation between poverty and foster placement in each county.

“Throughout all levels of the child welfare system, families experiencing poverty are more likely to come to the attention of and be impacted by the child welfare system,” stated the report.

Overall, the report revealed that more than half of the families affected by the state child welfare system earn $1,000 per month, significantly less than the national average of $5,000 a month.

The financial disparities highlighted in the LAO report align with existing research indicating that poverty is among the main factors contributing to the likelihood of child maltreatment. State anti-poverty programs include cash aid, childcare subsidies, supportive housing, and nutrition assistance.

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