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‘Birth of a Nation’ — 100 Years On, Debate on Film Endures 

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This 1914 file photo shows a scene from D.W. Griffith's "Birth of a Nation" movie depicting Ku Klux Klan members riding horses against soldiers, filmed in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles. Based on Thomas Dixon's novel, "The Clansman," it was set in the American Civil War. Earlier films often lasted less than an hour and were completed within days. "Birth of a Nation" took six months to produce, had a running time of 195 minutes and employed hundreds of actors. In 1992, the Library of Congress added Griffith's work to the National Film Registry, calling it a "controversial, explicitly racist, but landmark American film masterpiece." (AP Photo)

This 1914 file photo shows a scene from D.W. Griffith’s “Birth of a Nation” movie depicting Ku Klux Klan members riding horses against soldiers, filmed in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles. (AP Photo)

HILLEL ITALIE, AP National Writer

NEW YORK (AP) — One hundred years ago this spring, Hollywood came of age in a blaze of wonder and fury.

D.W. Griffith’s three-hour Civil War epic, “The Birth of a Nation,” was released in April 1915 after a special showing in March at President Woodrow Wilson’s White House. It is widely recognized as a blueprint for the feature-length movie and as a showcase for Griffith’s Tolstoyan command of historical narrative, from the battlefield to the front porch.

But one of the greatest glories in movie history is also one of its lasting shames. Within Griffith’s lovingly assembled images is a story that glorified the Ku Klux Klan, demonized blacks and sealed the misconception that the Reconstruction era in the South was a disastrous experiment in racial equality.

So now, at the film’s centennial, an industry that loves and thrives on honoring its past may allow one of its defining moments to go largely unobserved.

Turner Classic Movies, one of the prime outlets for silent cinema, is uncertain how or whether to mark the anniversary, said Charles Tabesh, senior vice president.

“It’s not just something you can put in the schedule,” he said. TCM has occasionally aired the film, which is in the public domain, but he explained, “We’ve provided an introduction and explained why it’s on, but even with that, we’ve gotten responses ranging from minor complaints to a lot of people who were really upset about it. It’s difficult because for a channel like Turner Classic Movies you can’t just avoid it. It wouldn’t be appropriate to pretend it was never made.”

No film before had so forcefully, or painfully, demonstrated that the big screen could challenge the novel and textbook as a way of interpreting and thinking about the past. James Baldwin would damn it as “an elaborate justification of mass murder.” Eric Foner, a leading Reconstruction historian, said in a recent interview that the film did “irreparable damage to public consciousness and also to race relations.” Fellow scholar Annette Gordon-Reed calls Griffith both a genius and a “lousy historian.”

Over the past quarter century, “Birth of a Nation” has been enshrined and entombed.

In 1992, to much criticism, the Library of Congress added Griffith’s work to the National Film Registry, calling it a “controversial, explicitly racist, but landmark American film masterpiece.” For decades, the Directors Guild of America awarded a D.W. Griffith Award for lifetime achievement, but dropped the prize in 1999 to “create a new ultimate honor for film directors that better reflects the sensibilities of our society at this time in our national history.”

In 1998, the American Film Institute listed “Birth of a Nation” at No. 44 on a list of the best 100 American movies. The film does not appear on a 2007 AFI “Best 100” list, which instead features “Intolerance,” Griffith’s atonement for “Birth.” A planned screening in 2004 at a Los Angeles theater was canceled because of protests.

The classroom, the DVD and online are the most likely places to see it now. In 2011, Kino Lorber released a DVD and Blu-Ray edition with a restored print, extensive notes and a brief documentary explaining the film’s context. Kino special projects producer Bret Wood says the company receives occasional complaints for selling the film, but that “Birth of a Nation” is consistently among the most purchased silent movies.

“It’s a difficult thing to do — marketing a cinematic masterpiece that is also hate-mongering propaganda — but that in itself is why the film is so powerful,” Wood wrote in an email. “If it were simply a racist film, it would have faded away long ago. But because ‘The Birth of a Nation’ is such a magnificent film (in terms of cinematic artistry in 1915), the cancerous ideology at its core is all the more toxic, and so we find ourselves continuing to discuss it a full century later.”

Jeanine Basinger, a film historian who teaches at Wesleyan University, says “Birth” is taught in different ways. A history professor might screen excerpts to show how some Americans thought of the Civil War, while a film instructor might focus on the film’s aesthetic achievements.

“In film departments, we aren’t teaching content, we are teaching the medium itself and its development,” Basinger says.

“The Birth of a Nation” is historical drama, but for the director it was something close to emotional autobiography. David Wark Griffith was born in Kentucky in 1875, just a decade after the Civil War ended. His father was a lieutenant colonel in the Confederate Army, and Griffith grew up in the early Jim Crow era. Although Kentucky was a border state that did not secede and was relatively unaffected by Reconstruction, Griffith related to the source material for “Birth of a Nation,” Thomas Dixon’s novel and play “The Clansman.”

“Griffith did not question the core assumption of Dixon’s story: that blacks, once the supposedly benevolent bonds of slavery had been overthrown, became violent and threatening to whites, especially women,” says Melvyn Stokes, author of “D.W. Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation.”

He was a man of the late 19th century mastering the tools of a revolutionary medium of the 20th century — moving images. After several years of acting and script writing, he directed his first movie, in 1908. By 1914, Griffith was among the country’s top directors.

“As he refined and developed his filmmaking art, he became ambitious to do longer, more ‘epic’ films,” Stokes said, noting that Griffith had studied the Italian production “Quo Vadis” and a French production, “Queen Elizabeth.”

“He was also keen to produce works like these based on history, since historical subjects were seen as a means of making motion pictures ‘respectable’ and appealing to the more lucrative, middle-class audience.”

In making “Birth of a Nation,” Griffith wedded mass spectacle and groundbreaking art and helped change forever the role of movies and what they could achieve.

Earlier films often lasted less than an hour and were completed within days. “Birth of a Nation” took six months to produce, had a running time of 195 minutes and employed hundreds of actors. Griffith’s epic also helped popularize such techniques as the panoramic shot, the panning shot and the tinting of the lens. The battlefield scenes, still compelling in their momentum and violence, set the template for countless war movies over the following decades. The soundtrack was among the first to feature a popular theme song.

The film made history before reaching theaters. In March 1915, “Birth of a Nation” became the first moving picture to be screened at the White House, then occupied by Wilson, Thomas Dixon’s former Johns Hopkins University classmate and fellow Southerner.

The White House event resulted in one of film’s most famous blurbs. “It is like writing history with lightning. And my only regret is that it is all so terribly true,” Wilson was supposed to have commented. Biographer A. Scott Berg is almost certain he never said it.

“The line does not appear for decades — not even in Dixon’s unpublished memoirs,” Berg wrote in an email, adding that Wilson was known for his reactionary views on race. “I suspect that it got cobbled together as civil rights became more of an issue and people looked back on ‘Birth of a Nation,’ seeing it through new and more enlightened eyes. And, as Wilson’s stock in the area of civil rights sank, it became an easy quotation to attribute to him.”

Virtually everything about “Birth of a Nation” was outsized and new. Moviegoers were charged $2 a ticket (around $46 in 2015) at a time when you could see an afternoon of comedy shorts for pennies. The film helped mark the transition from nickelodeons to gilded movie “palaces.” The cast included some of the greatest directors of the talking era, among them Raoul Walsh (who played John Wilkes Booth) and John Ford (who played a Klansman).

In theaters, whites reveled and rampaged. In Lafayette, Indiana, a white man killed a black teen after seeing the movie. The Ku Klux Klan used the film for decades to recruit members.

The NAACP, founded just a few years earlier, demanded that a few especially racist scenes be deleted and despaired over the damage.

“The harm it is doing the colored people cannot be estimated,” wrote the association’s secretary, Mary Childs Nerney. “I hear echoes of it wherever I go and have no doubt that this was in the mind of the people who are producing it. Their profits here are something like $14,000 a day and their expenses about $400.”

His influence acknowledged even by his detractors, Griffith was revered by Orson Welles and Stanley Kubrick, among others. Leading critics have praised “Birth of a Nation’ on artistic grounds, and even moral grounds. Roger Ebert wrote that Griffith “demonstrated to every filmmaker and moviegoer who followed him what a movie was, and what a movie could be.” James Agee, mourning Griffith’s death in 1948, wrote: “For all its imperfections and absurdities it is equal, in fact, to the best work that has been done in this country. And among moving pictures it is alone…”

The Tennessee-born Agee lamented that criticism of the movie had led to its being restricted, or abridged. “At best, this is nonsense, and at worst, it is vicious nonsense. Even if it were an anti-Negro movie, a work of such quality should be shown, and shown whole. But the accusation is unjust. Griffith went to almost preposterous lengths to be fair to the Negroes as he understood them, and he understood them as a good type of Southerner does.”

Black filmmakers responded forcefully to “Birth of a Nation,” and across generations. In 1919, Oscar Micheaux made “Within Our Gates,” a blunt portrait of white violence and among the earliest surviving movies by a black director. In 1980, Spike Lee was a film major at New York University when he completed the 20-minute “The Answer,” in which a young black screenwriter is asked by a Hollywood studio to turn out a script for a remake of “Birth of a Nation.”

Paul D. Miller, aka the hip-hop and performance artist DJ Spooky, saw “Birth of a Nation” while attending Bowdoin College and recalled how it echoed in his mind “because of so many of the issues that keep resurfacing in American culture.” In 2004, DJ Spooky premiered “Rebirth of a Nation,” a multimedia stage event and later a film that remixed excerpts from Griffith’s movie with contemporary images, music and commentary.

Miller finds “Birth of a Nation” so influential, technically and aesthetically, he even thought about it while designing his iPad app.

“As much as possible I want to think about mobile media as the inheritors of the cinematic imaginary,” he wrote in an email. “Cell phones, tablets, and other portable media have set the stage for a new kind of multimedia experience. ‘Birth of a Nation’ set the tone for that as well.”

Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Bay Area

Q&A with Steven Bradford: Why He Wants Your Vote for California Insurance Commissioner

Known for his work on issues ranging from energy and public safety to economic development, Bradford has also engaged with insurance policy during his time in the Legislature, serving on the Senate Insurance Committee. 

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Hon. Steve Bradford, candidate for California Insurance Commissioner.
Hon. Steve Bradford, candidate for California Insurance Commissioner.

By Edward Henderson, California Black Media 

As California confronts rising insurance costs, market instability, and growing concerns about access and equity, the race for the state’s top insurance regulator is drawing increased attention.

Among the candidates is Steven Bradford, a veteran public servant with more than two decades of experience in government, including eight years in the State Senate and five years in the State Assembly.

Known for his work on issues ranging from energy and public safety to economic development, Bradford has also engaged with insurance policy during his time in the Legislature, serving on the Senate Insurance Committee.

Now, he is making his case to voters for why his background and perspective best position him for the role of California’s next insurance commissioner.

California Black Media (CBM) spoke with Bradford about his campaign experiences, key issues he plans to solve if elected, and his vision for the insurance commissioner role.

For readers who may not be familiar, what does the Insurance Commissioner do, and how would you use that role to address issues impacting communities in California?

The Insurance Commissioner is both a regulator and an administrator. The office oversees the entire insurance market—approving companies to operate, licensing agents and brokers, and reviewing rate increases or decreases.

This role is about oversight and action. The commissioner should be a watchdog, not a bystander, especially in a state like California, which has the third-largest insurance market in the world.

Last year, you shifted your campaign from running for lieutenant governor to the race for insurance commissioner. What spurred that decision? 

Insurance impacts every part of people’s lives. You can’t buy a home without it—that contributes to the housing crisis. You can’t legally drive without it—that affects people’s ability to work. And businesses can’t operate without it.

For years, insurance has disproportionately impacted low-income communities and people of color. While everyone is feeling the strain now, those communities have long been hit hardest. That’s why it’s critical that insurance is not just available, but affordable.

What sets you apart from the other candidates in this race?

My record: 26 years of public service. I’ve shown up, stood up, and spoke up for Californians.  

A recent Supreme Court decision impacting the Voting Rights Act has raised concerns about representation. What message do you have for voters in California regarding the importance of their vote?

It’s alarming. If people think this doesn’t affect them, they’re mistaken. There’s a real effort to roll back decades of progress and silence voters.

Your vote is your most powerful tool, and we have to use it—every election.

What are you hearing from voters as you campaign across the state?

Affordability and transparency.

People are struggling with rising costs, and many don’t fully understand what their insurance policies cover.

We saw that clearly in places like Altadena and the Palisades—people had insurance but were underinsured. They didn’t realize their coverage wouldn’t meet the cost to rebuild. That’s unacceptable.

We must acknowledge the inequities in the system. The FAIR Plan has roots in discrimination, and today we still see disparities based on ZIP code and income. We need a more competitive and equitable market where consumers have choices.

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Activism

OPINION: The Fire of Oakland’s Justin Jones

Jones made headlines three years ago when he was one of a pair of Justins. Along with fellow State Rep. Justin Pearson (D-Memphis), he fought their removal from the state house in Tennessee and won reinstatement. Now, Pearson is running for Congress and Jones is still fighting for all of us.

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Tennessee State Rep. Justin Jones (D-Nashville). File photo.
Tennessee State Rep. Justin Jones (D-Nashville). File photo.

By Emil Amok Guillermo

You may know Tennessee State Rep. Justin Jones (D-Nashville).

He grew up in Oakland and the East Bay. His mother is Filipino. You can tell by his full name Justin Shea Bautista Jones.

His father is African American.

He is fighting for all of us.

Jones made headlines three years ago when he was one of a pair of Justins. Along with fellow State Rep. Justin Pearson (D-Memphis), he fought their removal from the state house in Tennessee and won reinstatement.

Now, Pearson is running for Congress and Jones is still fighting for all of us.

The recent 6-3 Supreme Court decision barring the use of race in drawing congressional districts marks a major turning point in U.S. history.

The decision took away the Voting Rights Act’s power to assure minority voices were both heard and represented.

“What we’re seeing now is this new Jim Crow system in which Black and Brown communities are without voice in our political process,” he told Fredricka Whitfield on CNN last weekend.

“That’s a canary in the coal mine for the rest of the nation. If they come for one of us, they’re coming for all of us, and some of my message to America is that the South is the front line of democracy,” Jones said. “They are dismantling multi-racial democracy here in the South, in states like Tennessee and Louisiana. But they aren’t going to stop here.”

That’s why Jones said we have to start paying attention to the South, and start helping them fight back there,” he said.

“I want to be clear that this terror, this type of system they’re enacting, are the same systems my grandparents told me about who grew up in Tennessee, a system where people like me couldn’t even be in political office. That’s the time they’re bringing us back to and I’m not sounding the alarm to be alarmist. But I am sounding it because we’ve seen this before in our history.”

Jones talked about Reconstruction and about what happened between the end of the 1800s and the beginning of the 1960s, when there was no Black political representation.

It’s a rebellion to keep our democracy going forward, he said.

“Stand with us and help us fight back against this extremist power grab — this racist power grab against our vision of a multi-racial democracy,” Jones added.

“While there is a litigation strategy, it’s important to maintain what he called a “movement strategy” that leads to the largest voter mobilization and registration that has ever been seen in the South,” he encouraged.

In 2026.

“Tennessee is an oppressed state,” Jones said. “It’s a state where one in five Black voters can’t vote because of felony disenfranchisement. It is where you can use a gun permit to vote, but you can’t use a student ID card to vote.

That’s the Asian American African American voice of Justin Jones.

Read his words for inspiration.

About the Author

Emil Guillermo is a veteran journalist, commentator, and comic stage monologist. His new show “69, Emil Amok: Anchorman—The News Made Me Do It,” is at the San Diego Fringe at New Destiny/Lincoln Park, 4931 Logan Ave. Ste. 102. May 14-23, at various times. Get tickets here.

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Advice

Book Review: Books for College-Bound Students

The kind of workday your Grandpa had is probably over, and you can’t count on toiling at the same place for 40 years for a pension and a gold watch. You already know that, and these books will help you decide your next step. You’ll learn what kind of worker you are, what’s stopping you from finding a job or occupation you’ll love, how to determine the purpose you envision for your future, and how to get where you need to be.

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Book covers. Photo courtesy of Terri Schlichenmeyer.
Book covers. Photo courtesy of Terri Schlichenmeyer.

By Terri Schlichenmeyer

Authors: Various, Copyright: c.2026, Publishers: Various, SRP: $21.00 – $29.00, Page Counts: Various

The videos and news reports were inspiring.

In them, a hesitant prospective college student became a happy, new college-bound student with the click of a key. They were accepted into the college of their dreams – so how can you get the same feeling next spring, when you’re the one with the highest of hopes?

You can start by reading these great books and sharing them with your family…

You probably already know that getting into the college of your choice is not something you do last-minute. In “The People’s Guide to College Applications: A Week-by-Week Approach to Writing, Connecting, and Getting in” (Prometheus Books, $ 21.95), Jill Constantino takes you through each step, but not in a frantic way. There’s no pressure here, just easy-to-grasp, makes-sense methods to apply for the college you want. There are reminders here, things you can’t forget and things you can, hints on asking for referrals and writing essays, and plenty of reminders to take a deep breath. Bonus: it’s also a book for parents, who may feel just as much pressure as their child does.

Okay, but let’s say that you’re an adult, a parent who’s sweating those college applications, classes, and the FAFSA for yourself, ugh!  Then you’ll want to read “Student Parent: The Fight for Families, the Cost of Poverty, and the Power of College” by Nicole Lynn Lewis (Beacon Press, $26.97). an urgent call meant for nontraditional students who are also Black, Latinx, gay, Moms, or Dads.

Inside this book, you’ll find stats and stories that may already sound familiar, tales of not enough money, not enough support, not enough arms or sleep or resources. If you’re looking for a book of advice, this isn’t it, though. It’s more of a resource that you’ll want to take to your guidance counselor or any local politician.

Alright, but what if you’ve decided that college can wait? Is that okay? Look for “The Mission Generation: Reclaim Your Purpose, Rewrite Success, Rebuild Our Future” by Arun Gupta and Thomas J. Fewer (Wiley, $29.00) because – guess what? – you have many options for your future.

The kind of workday your Grandpa had is probably over, and you can’t count on toiling at the same place for 40 years for a pension and a gold watch. You already know that, and this book will help you decide your next step. You’ll learn what kind of worker you are, what’s stopping you from finding a job or occupation you’ll love, how to determine the purpose you envision for your future, and how to get where you need to be. This book isn’t just for high schoolers, but for anyone ages 16 and beyond who’s feeling restless, ready for change, or who’s thinking about some kind of purposeful retirement.

And if these aren’t the college-based or not-college-bound books you need, then be sure to ask your favorite bookseller or librarian for help on ideas, how-to’s, test prep books, or study guides. They’ll have books for you, and maybe a little inspiration, too.

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