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Amid Criticism, Clinton Sticks to Low-Key Campaign Strategy

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Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton stops at Em's Coffee Co., Tuesday, May 19, 2015, in Independence, Iowa. (AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall)

Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton stops at Em’s Coffee Co., Tuesday, May 19, 2015, in Independence, Iowa. (AP Photo/Charlie Neibergall)

JULIE PACE, AP White House Correspondent

CEDAR FALLS, Iowa (AP) — During two days of campaigning this week in Iowa, Hillary Rodham Clinton didn’t make a formal speech. She answered questions from reporters, but only for five minutes. Pressed by a moderator at her own event to say where she stood on a trade pact that’s dividing her party, she steered clear.

It was the kind of trip that infuriates her Republican critics, yet gives them fodder to keep up their argument she’s a candidate dodging tough issues and avoiding taking positions that could haunt her politically. That’s started to worry some Democrats, who are publicly prodding Clinton to wade deeper into the political fray and pick a side on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade deal.

Clinton and her team are unmoved. They’re sticking to their plans for a low-key start to her second presidential campaign, displaying an early level of discipline that was lacking when Clinton sought the White House in 2008 and struggled with campaign infighting over strategy.

It’s an approach they’ve crafted to show voters Clinton isn’t taking the Democratic nomination for granted. Yet by not taking a stand on issues of the day and dismissing some of the traditional trappings of presidential campaigns, some political operatives say Clinton risks appearing as if she’s doing just that.

“There is a demand if you are a candidate to signify a lack of entitlement by submitting yourself to questions from the news media on a regular basis,” said David Axelrod, a longtime adviser to President Barack Obama. “There is risk to that, but it is a risk that comes along with the task of running for president.”

Before a brief exchange with reporters Tuesday, Clinton hadn’t taken questions from the press in nearly a month. Republican presidential hopefuls seized on her reluctance to engage with reporters and repeatedly mocked her for ducking questions.

“You can’t script your way to the presidency,” said Jeb Bush, the former Florida governor.

So far, Clinton’s campaign does have the appearance of a carefully choreographed operation. Each of her stops in the early-voting states has looked similar to her two-day swing through Iowa this week, where she attended a meet-and-greet with local officials and campaign volunteers at a home in Mason City, discussed economic policy with small business owners at a bicycle shop in Cedar Falls, and dropped by a coffee shop in Independence for an espresso and sandwich.

The house party she attended in Mason City was invitation-only and, as with her past policy roundtables, participants at the small business event were selected by the campaign.

Even when unexpected moments arise, Clinton sticks to her script. When a small business owner asked her Tuesday to state her position on the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact, Clinton politely refused.

“I want to judge the final agreement,” she said.

Clinton’s advisers intended her campaign to start slowly. She will hold a more formal campaign kick-off next month, likely with a major speech and a series of one-on-one interviews. But even as the campaign enters that phase, aides say Clinton will still do the smaller events like those she’s held so far.

Though she never mentioned her critics directly, Clinton pushed back this week at those who say she should be taking a different approach.

“Somebody asked me the other day, ‘Well, you’re going to these events where you’re taking time to actually talk and listen to people, is that really what you’re going to do?'” she said Monday. “And I said, ‘Well, yes it is.'”

Clinton’s advisers also dispute the notion she is avoiding taking positions on policy, pointing to her backing of Obama’s executive actions on immigration and her call to outfit police departments with body cameras. On Tuesday, she voiced her opposition to Republican-backed legislation that would revamp the 2010 Dodd-Frank financial regulation law.

But each was unveiled as part of a careful rollout by Clinton’s campaign. She’s been far less willing to weigh in on issues that don’t fit with her campaign schedule, including the fall of Ramadi to Islamic State militants in Iraq over the weekend.

Clinton’s sidestepping on the Asia-Pacific trade pact has been most notable, given that Congress is currently debating whether to give Obama the ability to seek faster ratification of a final deal.

While Clinton called the pact the “gold standard” of trade agreements while serving as secretary of state, she has refused to take a position on the deal since announcing her candidacy.

As Clinton spoke to small business owners in Cedar Falls on Tuesday, a small group of protesters stood outside demanding she clarify her stance on the trade pact. Chris Schwartz, an Iowa organizer with the liberal group Americans for Democratic Action, said Clinton’s silence was “troubling.”

“People in Iowa and people across the country want to know the specifics on all of these issues, including TPP,” Schwartz said, referring to the Trans-Pacific Partnership. “We have a right to have our questions answered.”

___

Follow Julie Pace on Twitter at: http://twitter.com/jpaceDC

Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Activism

Oakland Post: Week of July 1 – 7, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of July 1 – 7, 2026

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NPRC Joins National Grand Jury Proceedings Seeking Accountability, Constitutional Restoration

Organizers state that testimony will explore historical and political developments that they believe have contributed to the expansion of corporate influence over public institutions and governmental decision-making. Participants are expected to discuss concerns regarding constitutional governance, individual liberties, property rights, and the protection of vulnerable populations, including seniors and persons with disabilities.

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Photo by Billie Powers.
Photo by Billie Powers.

Special to The Post

The National Probate Reform Coalition (NPRC) has joined Toll and Roll and a growing coalition of advocacy organizations, victims, whistleblowers, and citizen groups in support of a nationally broadcast People’s Grand Jury proceeding scheduled for July 1 and July 7.

Organizers describe the event as a public forum designed to examine allegations of government abuse, judicial misconduct, legislative failures, and the erosion of constitutional protections affecting millions of Americans.

The proceedings will feature testimony from victims, families, advocates, and organizations from across the country who contend they have experienced harm through government actions, institutional neglect, and failures of oversight.

According to organizers, the People’s Grand Jury will focus on concerns involving probate courts, guardianships, conservatorships, child welfare systems, property rights, civil liberties, and what participants view as a growing disconnect between government institutions and the constitutional rights of the people they are sworn to serve.

NPRC is participating because many of the issues being examined mirror the concerns raised by advocates, victims, and families who have participated in its monthly town halls. For years, families have reported cases involving exploitation of elders, questionable guardianships, estate depletion, denial of due process, and a lack of meaningful oversight within probate court systems.

“This proceeding gives victims and advocates an opportunity to place their experiences on the public record,” said Tanya Dennis, lead facilitator of NPRC. “For too long, families have struggled to have their voices heard regarding elder abuse, probate exploitation, and government inaction. This forum allows those stories to be shared before a national audience.”

Organizers state that testimony will explore historical and political developments that they believe have contributed to the expansion of corporate influence over public institutions and governmental decision-making. Participants are expected to discuss concerns regarding constitutional governance, individual liberties, property rights, and the protection of vulnerable populations, including seniors and persons with disabilities.

In keeping with principles of transparency and fairness, invitations have been extended to legislators, members of the judiciary, law enforcement representatives, and other public officials who may wish to respond to concerns raised during the proceedings or defend actions taken by their respective institutions.

One of the primary outcomes sought by organizers is public consideration and support for the People’s Remedy and Restoration Act, a proposed legislative framework that advocates believe would strengthen oversight, increase accountability, provide remedies for victims of governmental abuse, and restore constitutional protections.

The proceedings are expected to be broadcast nationally, providing citizens throughout the United States an opportunity to observe testimony, review evidence presented, and participate in an ongoing conversation regarding government accountability and the protection of individual rights.

Advocates hope the hearings will encourage meaningful dialogue, legislative reform, and renewed public engagement in the democratic process.

Individuals, organizations, public officials, and members of the media interested in attending or obtaining access information may contact the organizers at tollandroll2025@gmail.com.

As Americans continue to debate the future of constitutional governance, judicial accountability, and the protection of vulnerable citizens, the July proceedings are expected to serve as a significant forum for public testimony and civic engagement. For more information, go to https://tollandroll.com

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Local Civil Rights Attorney, Activist Walter Riley Reveals Life Lessons from 70 Years in the Movement

Widely known in Oakland for his unifying leadership on issues of social justice and human rights, Riley is also recognized for his famous son, Raymond “Boots” Riley, a rap artist, political activist, and successful filmmaker, whose latest film, “I Love Boosters,” is now in theaters and capturing national attention.

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Walter Riley. Courtesy photo.
Walter Riley. Courtesy photo.

By Ken Epstein

Prominent civil rights attorney and activist Walter Riley recently went on radio station KPFA 94.1 to discuss his new book co-authored with local veteran organizer Jesse Strauss: “Civil Rights and Structural Attacks: Conversations with Walter Riley.”

Widely known in Oakland for his unifying leadership on issues of social justice and human rights, Riley is also recognized for his famous son, Raymond “Boots” Riley, a rap artist, political activist, and successful filmmaker, whose latest film, “I Love Boosters,” is now in theaters and capturing national attention.

Born in North Carolina, Riley has lived in San Francisco, Chicago, and Detroit, but his longtime home is Oakland, California.

Over the years, he was a leader in the South against Jim Crow, participated as a student in the historic 1968 San Francisco State University strike that created Black Studies and Ethnic Studies in the U.S. and scored victories in the fight for open college admissions.

He was also a labor organizer and was involved in early Black Panther Party formations, anti-war protests, and was a leader of the Progressive Labor Party, a pro-Mao, Marxist Leninist party.

In an interview on KPFA’s “Upfront” with host Brian Edwards-Tiekert on June 18, he discussed some of his formative experiences, born in 1944 to a family of sharecroppers who worked on a tobacco farm near Durham, North Carolina.

“I came from a farming family, the ninth child of 11 children,” Riley said. “My mom and dad got married as teenagers, and they were together for their entire lives. Growing up in this large family, we had to deal with various aspects of what it meant to live in an economically depressed area with parents who had come through what they called “Hoover times” (the Great Depression) in the South.

“They were proud of every one of their children when they took some stand, to develop and show some sense of dignity,” he said.

In his neighborhood, slavery was not a distant memory. There are many people “who knew firsthand what it was to have family members that had lived as enslaved people and lived in communities where enslaved people had lived.

“(Under tenant farming), the landowner negotiated for the entire family: the farmer, the wife, the children – everybody was involved on the farm. Kids were often engaged. We had to shovel, hoe tobacco to keep the weeds from taking over, to make sure that tobacco worms didn’t eat up the tobacco. If a child was old enough to plow, they would walk behind a horse or mule and plow a field, working from sunup to sundown,” he said.

The houses did not have indoor bathrooms, running water or electricity. “A lot of the names in the Black community were the same names as these slave owners. We could see the names of folks on the streets, street names of people who had enslaved people, and they were symbols to me of a world that did not see me as a human being, that has not treated my ancestors as humans, has treated us as chattel to be sold, to be owned, to be property,” Riley said

“When we were counted by our government, we were counted only for the purposes of allowing white people, white men, to have a vote.”

By 1950, when he was 6 years old, his family moved to another house, leaving tenant farming. His father took a job in construction.

“My parents wanted the younger kids to have education,” he continued. “The older kids had to work on the farms. By the time I came along, I was the second child born in a hospital. “My parents looked forward to younger kids to have more sense of independence from the economic and social depravities that they saw around them.”

Watching television, he became aware of the suffering under Jim Crow, including the lynching in Mississippi of Emmett Till in 1955 and Mack Parker in 1959.

When he was 13, he joined a picket line in town in front of a variety store chain that did not hire Black people and became active in the Civil Rights Movement. By time he was in high school, he had become a leader in the local chapter of the NAACP and met Malcolm X and later Medgar Evers, leaders who were both assassinated.

Married and with a child, he moved with his family in the early 1960s to San Francisco, attending San Francisco State University while working full time.

He participated in the San Francisco State University strike, the longest student strike in U.S. history, where students and their supporters prevailed in the face of mass arrests and daily violent police attacks.

While many people remember the strike for its historic victory – the creation of the first Black Studies and Ethnic Studies programs in the country. “But open admissions was the thing,” he said. “Open admissions had to do with people being able to go to school for free. People should be able to go to school just because they come here and say, ‘I want to go to school. I want an education’ (because) we live in a rich country.”

Studying Marxism, including dialectical materialism, he gradually began to understand structure of the system that needs to be changed, he said. “It requires a lot of study, and it still does.”

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