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The Way West: Reparations Task Force Looks at Black Migration to California

During its third meeting, California’s Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans looked at reasons formerly enslaved Black people migrated to the Golden State — and detailed setbacks they faced after arriving. 

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"Scott and Violet Arthur arrive with their family at Chicago's Polk Street Depot on Aug. 30, 1920, two months after their two sons were lynched in Paris, Texas. The picture has become an iconic symbol of the Great Migration. (Chicago History Museum)"[1]/ Wikimedia Commons

 I was leaving the South

to fling myself into the unknown…

I was taking a part of the South

to transplant in alien soil,

to see if it could grow differently,

if it could drink of new and cool rains,

bend in strange winds,

respond to the warmth of other suns

and, perhaps, to bloom.

- Richard Wright, the author of Black Boy, 1945

    During its third meeting, California’s Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans looked at reasons formerly enslaved Black people migrated to the Golden State — and detailed setbacks they faced after arriving. 

    During the period historians dub the “Great Migration”– which lasted from the early 1900s through the 1970s – approximately 6 million Black Americans relocated from Deep South states to Northern, Midwestern, Eastern and Western states. Significant numbers ended up in California, escaping Jim Crow laws and racial violence and seeking economic opportunity. 

     Isabel Wilkerson, author of “The Warmth of Other Suns: The Epic Story of America’s Great Migration, “described the movement as “a redistribution of Black people.”  

    “It was the only time in America’s history that American citizens had to flee the land of their birth just to be recognized as the citizens that they had always been,” Wilkerson said, pointing out that no other group of Americans has been displaced under similar conditions.

     After President Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, the Reconstruction era began. It was a period of prosperity as some Blacks in different places began to establish businesses and communities; contest for (and win) political office; establish schools, and more. 

     But it was short-lived because of white backlash, Wilkerson said. 

     By the early 1900s, racist white Southerners began to terrorize freed Black people with cross burnings, and racial violence — and discriminate against them by instituting Jim Crow laws. 

     There was a spike in lynchings, and a sharecropping system that mirrored the conditions of slavery began to take form in the 11 former slaveholding states.

     Under those policies, opportunities for Blacks were almost nonexistent.

    After World War World I began in Europe in 1914, there was a shortage of labor. Factories started luring Black people North to fill vacancies. By 1919, an estimated 1 million Southern Blacks had departed for the North.

    By the 1930s, the Great Depression had slowed Black migration. But the revival of the exodus from the South, a period historians call the “Second Great Migration,” started around 1939. 

     This time around, California was a major destination. 

    As Black people left the South, Wilkerson said, they “followed three, beautifully predictable streams — pathways to freedom.” The first two led to Eastern and Midwestern states. The “West Coast stream,” Wilkerson told the task force, “carried people from Louisiana and Texas out to California and the entire West Coast.”

    World War II created an expansion of the country’s defense industry, according to the Southern California public television network,. During this time, more jobs were available to African Americans. California cities such as Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland began to see an influx of Black people.

    According to KCET, a Southern California public television network, the Black population in Los Angeles grew from 63,700 in the 1940s to 763,000 in 1970. The migration was largely fueled by job openings in industries manufacturing automobiles, rubber, and steel. The presence of Blacks became evident along Central Avenue between 8th and 20th streets in California’s largest city.

     “(Black southerners) were recruited to the North and West to fill labor shortages in the steel mills, factories and shipyards,” Wilkerson said. “It turned out that they wanted the labor but did not want the people.”

    The response to the Great Migration was “structural barriers of exclusion,” Wilkerson said. Restrictive covenants required white property owners to agree not to sell to Black people and many areas in large and mid-range cities were redlined to deny services to Blacks. 

   “By law and by policies, parents, grandparents or great-grandparents of almost every African American alive today (were denied) the greatest source of wealth in this country: homeownership, the American Dream itself,” Wilkerson said.  

    “With all the testimony I’ve heard, I don’t see how any person of conscience, character and civility could not understand that the facts have been given,” said Task Force vice-chair, the Rev. Amos Brown, pastor of Third Baptist Church in San Francisco and president of that city’s NAACP branch. 

   The purpose of the nine-member task force is to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans and recommend appropriate ways to educate the Californians about the task force’s findings.

    Sanctioned from 1619 to 1865, legalized slavery in the United States deprived more than 4 million Africans and their descendants of citizenship rights and economic opportunity. After it was abolished, government institutions at the federal, state, and local levels perpetuated, condoned, and often profited from practices that disadvantaged African Americans and excluded them from participation in society.

     “On those sugar, rice, and tobacco fields (in the deep south) were opera singers, jazz musicians, novelists, surgeons, attorneys, professors, accountants, and legislators,” Wilkerson said. “How do we know that? Because that is what they and their children, grandchildren and now great-grandchildren have often chosen to become.”

    Wilkerson first gained national attention in 1994, when she became the first Black woman to win the Pulitzer Prize for Feature Writing in 1994, while employed as Chicago Bureau Chief of The New York Times.

    Wilkerson’s parents are both from Southern states, but they stayed in Wash., D.C., where she was born, after meeting at Howard University. It was her parents’ migration northward, she says, that inspired her research on an era that helped to shape the country’s current demographics.  

     “Slavery has lasted so long that it will not be until next year, 2022, that the United States would have been a free and independent nation for as long as slavery lasted on this soil,” she said. 

Black History

Opinion: When Politicians Start Sanitizing One Chapter of History, They’re Coming After The Whole Book

OAKLAND POST — The White House recently released a report criticizing the Smithsonian for supposedly promoting “anti-White activism” and other ideological sins. Buried inside is something even more troubling. The report argues Americans shouldn’t think of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 primarily as a racist law. Instead, we’re told it was about national security.

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AI-generated illustration created by Open AI.

I came to Winnipeg to perform my one-man show, 69, Emil Amok: Anchorman—The News Made Me Do It.

I didn’t expect to leave with another lesson about America.

It came over dim sum.

After the show, Shirley—a Chinese Canadian—and her friend Chris, a Sri Lankan-Mauritian Canadian—insisted on taking me to a restaurant in Winnipeg’s Chinatown.

A Filipino American. A Chinese Canadian. A Sri Lankan-Mauritian Canadian.

The United Nations, if it served dumplings.

Then Shirley told me about her father.

He arrived from China at 14 years old, speaking no English. The school put him in second grade just to learn the language. Once he caught up, they skipped him to ninth grade.

Two years later, he was working.

He opened a restaurant.

It burned down.

He opened another.

Eventually he bought a café in rural Manitoba serving chop suey, burgers, steaks and fries.

The Good Way Café became the place everybody gathered. Rock and roll played from the jukebox until midnight.

Her father, Arthur Mar, built a business, employed people and became part of his community.

Sound familiar?

It should.

It’s the same immigrant story Americans love to celebrate.

Until politics gets involved.

Because before Arthur Mar could build anything, Canada made him pay a $500 Chinese head tax—a fortune in the 1920s.

When that didn’t keep enough Chinese out, Canada passed its own Chinese Exclusion Act.

Different country.

Same racism.

Canada has spent decades admitting what it did.

The Trump administration wants America to do the opposite.

The White House recently released a report criticizing the Smithsonian for supposedly promoting “anti-White activism” and other ideological sins.

Buried inside is something even more troubling.

The report argues Americans shouldn’t think of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 primarily as a racist law.

Instead, we’re told it was about national security.

Funny how those two words have always been available whenever politicians want to discriminate against somebody.

Black Americans have heard that song before.

Slave patrols became public safety.

Jim Crow became states’ rights.

Mass incarceration became law and order.

Same melody.

Different verse.

History has a way of putting racism in a respectable suit.

When politicians begin sanitizing one chapter of history, they’re coming after the whole book.

Communities of color don’t have identical histories.

But we recognize familiar tactics.

About the Author

Emil Guillermo is an award-winning journalist, commentator and comic monologist. He performs “69, Emil Amok: Anchorman—The News Made Me Do It” at the Winnipeg Fringe Festival, July 16–26.

Get Tix: https://www.winnipegfringe.com/performer-detail.aspx?kw=Emil+Amok+Productions

Follow him at YouTube.com/@emilamok1.

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Black History

Beyond Politics: California Legislators Across Party Lines Celebrate Lori Wilson at 50

OAKLAND POST — Organized by Assemblymembers Anamarie Ávila Farías (D-Martinez) and Stephanie Nguyen (D-Elk Grove), the celebration featured a video filled with birthday wishes from Democratic and Republican lawmakers, as well as Capitol staff, honoring Wilson, who serves as chair of the Assembly Transportation Committee and is a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus.

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Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson (D-Suisun City). File photo.

In a Capitol more often defined by policy debates and partisan differences, California lawmakers recently offered a reminder that respect, friendship and collegiality can still rise above politics.

On July 17, legislators from both sides of the aisle came together to celebrate Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson’s (D-Suisun City) 50th birthday with a surprise tribute that reflected the admiration she has earned from colleagues across the political spectrum.

Organized by Assemblymembers Anamarie Ávila Farías (D-Martinez) and Stephanie Nguyen (D-Elk Grove), the celebration featured a video filled with birthday wishes from Democratic and Republican lawmakers, as well as Capitol staff, honoring Wilson, who serves as chair of the Assembly Transportation Committee and is a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus.

“I hope you’re feeling the love from the Legislature, Lori, and I’m so honored to be able to serve with you and have you as my seatmate,” Ávila Farías said in the video. “You’re an amazing human being, and I feel so privileged to celebrate this milestone with you. Happy birthday.”

Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley), a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus, thanked Wilson for her leadership and service. 

“Happy Birthday, Lori. Thanks for what you stand for and all the work that you’ve done in the Legislature.”

Republican Assemblymember David J. Tangipa (R-Fresno) also joined in the celebration.

“You are a rock star. Happy, happy birthday and have a great one.”

Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) praised Wilson’s character and leadership.

“Hugest of happiest birthdays of all time, dear Lori. You are such a ray of sunshine in the Legislature; you are an adult in the room; you are a badass warrior, and we love you and appreciate you,” said Wicks. 

Assemblymember LaShae Sharp-Collins (D-San Diego), also a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus, reflected on Wilson’s future.

“Wishing you a very happy 50th birthday, Lori. You are an amazing woman, and there’s so much more to come for you,” she said. 

Assemblymember Sade Elhawary (D-Los Angeles), a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus, added:

“Lori, we are so happy that you are the fearless queen that you are. Happy 50th. Enjoy. You deserve it.”

Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio (R-San Diego) also shared his appreciation.

“Happy birthday. I believe you’re an amazing individual, an amazing person, and I love your housing policies, so thank you. Again, happy birthday. Have some fun today.”

Assemblymember Rhodesia Ransom (D-Stockton) closed with words celebrating both Wilson’s milestone and her wisdom.

“There’s a saying that when you become older you become wiser, but I want to say that you’re already there.”

At a time when political divisions often dominate the public conversation, the celebration served as a reminder that personal relationships and mutual respect continue to exist inside California’s Capitol. For one afternoon, party labels took a back seat as lawmakers from across the aisle came together to honor a colleague whose leadership, professionalism and friendship have earned admiration well beyond partisan lines.

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Black History

COMMENTARY: Property Is Power! Why the Dream Booker T. Washington Preached in 1905 Still Matters Today

MICHIGAN CHRONICLE — Booker T. Washington’s philosophy on Black economic progress, articulated over a century ago, remains relevant today. He argued that true freedom for Black Americans, then only 40 years removed from emancipation, depended on economic ownership, not just political rights.

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COMMENTARY: Property Is Power! Why the Dream Booker T. Washington Preached in 1905 Still Matters Today

The national conversation about Black economic progress has long been defined by access. We measure advancement through educational attainment, professional achievement, political representation, and civic participation, and rightly so. Each represents a victory over barriers that once seemed permanent. Yet beneath those visible markers of progress lies a quieter question, one that has shaped the American economy since its founding. Who owns the assets that appreciate while everyone else is working? More than a century ago, Booker T. Washington believed he knew the answer; his insight was not merely about economics; it was about power, it was about permanence. And it remains strikingly relevant in an era when conversations about racial equity often emphasize representation while giving far less attention to ownership.

In 1905, America was only forty years removed from emancipation, but freedom remained profoundly incomplete for millions of Black Americans across the South; voting rights were being systematically stripped away. Jim Crow laws had become entrenched; lynching was used to terrorize Black communities, and economic opportunity was intentionally constrained through law, custom, and violence. Against that backdrop, Booker T. Washington traveled the country delivering a message that many found controversial not because he rejected political rights, but because he argued that political freedom, standing alone, could not secure lasting independence. Economic ownership, he believed, was the indispensable foundation upon which genuine freedom would rest.

George Washington’s philosophy is often misunderstood as accommodation or political retreat. It was neither. It was an argument about sequence. “It is at the bottom of life we must begin, and not at the top,” he told audiences, insisting that no people could sustain political influence without first establishing an economic foundation. He worried that Black Americans, understandably eager to secure civil and political rights after centuries of oppression, might overlook the enduring power of ownership. In one of his most remarkable observations, he lamented that “… a seat in Congress or the State Legislature was more sought than real estate or industrial skill.” More than 120 years later, that sentence still carries unusual force. America continues to debate representation with great intensity yet often pays comparatively little attention to the question Washington believed would ultimately determine whether that representation translated into lasting prosperity.

Washington was not dismissing politics; he understood the importance of the ballot box as well as anyone of his era. His point was subtler: political influence without an economic foundation is inherently fragile; laws can change, administrations come and go, courts reverse precedent, majorities shift. But families who own productive assets possess something that is less vulnerable to the changing winds of politics; they possess leverage.

By 1903, speaking before the Brooklyn Institute in New York, Washington expanded this argument even further. Reflecting on the American founding, he observed that one of the nation’s defining aspirations had been to secure “the most complete guarantee of the safety of life and property.” The pairing of those words was deliberate to Washington; liberty and property were inseparable. A society that protected freedom while leaving large segments of its population without meaningful opportunities to own productive assets had fulfilled only part of its democratic promise.

That observation speaks directly to the present moment.

Today’s conversations about racial inequality often focus on disparities in income, educational attainment or employment. Those discussions are essential, but they sometimes obscure a more fundamental distinction: the difference between earning and owning. Income provides stability and ownership creates permanence. Wages finance today’s expenses but appreciating assets finance tomorrow’s opportunities. The American economy has always rewarded ownership more generously than labor because assets compound while wages are spent. That is why the story of wealth in America is, at its core, a story about property.

Washington understood this intuitively long before economists could measure it. Throughout his speeches across Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, Virginia, Tennessee, the Carolinas and major Northern cities including New York, Boston, Philadelphia and Chicago, he returned repeatedly to the same themes. He urged Black families to purchase homes rather than remain lifelong tenants. He encouraged Black farmers to own the land they cultivated rather than simply work it; he promoted saving capital, mastering trade, building businesses, and establishing institutions rooted in ownership rather than dependence. No race, he argued, could achieve lasting independence while remaining economically dependent on others.

To Washington, land was never simply acreage it represented security, leverage, education, citizenship and inheritance. A farm was not valuable merely because it produced crops. It could finance a child’s future, provide collateral for investment, create stability during economic hardships and become an asset passed from one generation to the next. Likewise, a home represented far more than shelter. It symbolized permanence, civic participation and confidence in the future of a community.

Modern research has largely confirmed what Washington understood through observation: for most American families, homeownership remains the single largest source of household wealth. Equity accumulated over decades finances higher education, entrepreneurship, retirement, and intergenerational transfers of wealth. Property becomes capital, and capital creates choices that wages alone rarely can.

This reality carries particular significance for Black America because the wealth gap has always been, in important respects, an ownership gap. The Black middle class has never been more educated or professionally accomplished than it is today. Black Americans lead major corporations, serve in Congress and on federal courts, teach at leading universities and build successful businesses across nearly every sector of the economy. These achievements deserve recognition; they represent extraordinary progress, yet the racial wealth gap remains considerably wider than the income gap, a reminder that educational success and professional advancement, while essential, do not automatically produce wealth.

The explanation is neither mysterious nor accidental: wealth accumulates primarily through appreciating assets. Families who own homes, businesses, commercial real estate, and investment portfolios generally experience compounding gains across generations. Families excluded from those opportunities often begin each generation from a similar starting point, regardless of improvements in income. Ownership changes the trajectory because ownership allows time to work on behalf of the owner.

This is why the next chapter of Black economic progress should not abandon the pursuit of equal opportunity but rather expand it. Access remains indispensable; strong schools, fair lending, civil rights protections, political participation, and equal treatment under the law remain foundational commitments of a democratic society, but access alone has never guaranteed wealth ownership has.

Perhaps that is Booker T. Washington’s most enduring lesson. He challenged a generation emerging from slavery to think beyond immediate survival and toward permanent economic citizenship. More than a century later, the challenge is different, but the principle remains remarkably similar. The question is no longer whether Black Americans can enter institutions that once excluded them. It is whether they are building ownership within the economy.

That is the philosophy behind Property is Power! It is not merely a slogan about real estate. It is a broader argument about how durable wealth is created, preserved and transferred. It recognizes that governments change, policies evolve and markets fluctuate, but families who own appreciating assets possess something that extends beyond a single election cycle or economic moment. They possess leverage, stability and the ability to transfer opportunities to the next generation.

Booker T. Washington understood that freedom without ownership remained incomplete more than a century later; his observation still challenges us. If the twentieth century expanded access, perhaps the defining work of the twenty-first century is to expand ownership. History suggests that while access may open the door, ownership builds the house and gives future generations the keys.

Property is Power! is a movement to promote home and community ownership. Studies indicate homeownership leads to higher graduation rates, family wealth, and community involvement.

Based on reporting by Michigan Chronicle.



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