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Black Officers in New York Say They Fear Fellow Cops

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(Reuters) – From the dingy donut shops of Manhattan to the cloistered police watering holes in Brooklyn, a number of black NYPD officers say they have experienced the same racial profiling that cost Eric Garner his life.

Garner, a 43-year-old black man suspected of illegally peddling loose cigarettes, died in July after a white officer put him in a chokehold. His death, and that of an unarmed black teenager in Ferguson, Missouri, has sparked a slew of nationwide protests against police tactics. On Saturday, those tensions escalated after a black gunman, who wrote of avenging the black deaths on social media, shot dead two New York policemen.

The protests and the ambush of the uniformed officers pose a major challenge for New York Mayor Bill De Blasio. The mayor must try to ease damaged relations with a police force that feels he hasn’t fully supported them, while at the same time bridging a chasm with communities who say the police unfairly target them.

What’s emerging now is that, within the thin blue line of the NYPD, there is another divide – between black and white officers.

Reuters interviewed 25 African American male officers on the NYPD, 15 of whom are retired and 10 of whom are still serving. All but one said that, when off duty and out of uniform, they had been victims of racial profiling, which refers to using race or ethnicity as grounds for suspecting someone of having committed a crime.

The officers said this included being pulled over for no reason, having their heads slammed against their cars, getting guns brandished in their faces, being thrown into prison vans and experiencing stop and frisks while shopping. The majority of the officers said they had been pulled over multiple times while driving. Five had had guns pulled on them.

Desmond Blaize, who retired two years ago as a sergeant in the 41st Precinct in the Bronx, said he once got stopped while taking a jog through Brooklyn’s upmarket Prospect Park. “I had my ID on me so it didn’t escalate,” said Blaize, who has sued the department alleging he was racially harassed on the job. “But what’s suspicious about a jogger? In jogging clothes?”

The NYPD and the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association, the police officers’ union, declined requests for comment. However, defenders of the NYPD credit its policing methods with transforming New York from the former murder capital of the world into the safest big city in the United States.

“It makes good headlines to say this is occurring, but I don’t think you can validate it until you look into the circumstances they were stopped in,” said Bernard Parks, the former chief of the Los Angeles Police Department, who is African American.

“Now if you want to get into the essence of why certain groups are stopped more than others, then you only need to go to the crime reports and see which ethnic groups are listed more as suspects. That’s the crime data the officers are living with.”

Blacks made up 73 percent of the shooting perpetrators in New York in 2011 and were 23 percent of the population.

A number of academics believe those statistics are potentially skewed because police over-focus on black communities, while ignoring crime in other areas. They also note that being stopped as a suspect does not automatically equate to criminality. Nearly 90 percent of blacks stopped by the NYPD, for example, are found not to be engaged in any crime.

The black officers interviewed said they had been racially profiled by white officers exclusively, and about one third said they made some form of complaint to a supervisor.

All but one said their supervisors either dismissed the complaints or retaliated against them by denying them overtime, choice assignments, or promotions. The remaining officers who made no complaints said they refrained from doing so either because they feared retribution or because they saw racial profiling as part of the system.

In declining to comment to Reuters, the NYPD did not respond to a specific request for data showing the racial breakdown of officers who made complaints and how such cases were handled.

White officers were not the only ones accused of wrongdoing. Civilian complaints against police officers are in direct proportion to their demographic makeup on the force, according to the NYPD’s Civilian Complaint Review Board.

Indeed, some of the officers Reuters interviewed acknowledged that they themselves had been defendants in lawsuits, with allegations ranging from making a false arrest to use of excessive force. Such claims against police are not uncommon in New York, say veterans.

Still, social psychologists from Stanford and Yale universities and John Jay College of Criminal Justice have conducted research – including the 2004 study “Seeing Black: Race, Crime and Visual Processing” – showing there is an implicit racial bias in the American psyche that correlates black maleness with crime.

John Jay professor Delores Jones-Brown cited a 2010 New York State Task Force report on police-on-police shootings – the first such inquiry of its kind – that found that in the previous 15 years, officers of color had suffered the highest fatalities in encounters with police officers who mistook them for criminals.

< p>There’s evidence that aggressive policing in the NYPD is intensifying, according to data from the New York City Comptroller.

Police misconduct claims – including lawsuits against police for using the kind of excessive force that killed Garner – have risen 214 percent since 2000, while the amount the city paid out has risen 75 percent in the same period, to $64.4 million in fiscal year 2012, the last year for which data is available.

People who have taken part in the marches against Garner’s death – and that of Ferguson teenager Michael Brown – say they are protesting against the indignity of being stopped by police for little or no reason as much as for the deaths themselves.

“There’s no real outlet to report the abuse,” said Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams, a former NYPD captain who said he was stigmatized and retaliated against throughout his 22-year career for speaking out against racial profiling and police brutality.

Officers make complaints to the NYPD’s investigative arm, the Internal Affairs Bureau, only to later have their identities leaked, said Adams.

One of the better-known cases of alleged racial profiling of a black policeman concerns Harold Thomas, a decorated detective who retired this year after 30 years of service, including in New York’s elite Joint Terrorism Task Force.

Shortly before 1 a.m. one night in August 2012, Thomas was leaving a birthday party at a trendy New York nightclub.

Wearing flashy jewelry, green sweatpants and a white t-shirt, Thomas walked toward his brand-new white Escalade when two white police officers approached him. What happened next is in dispute, but an altercation ensued, culminating in Thomas getting his head smashed against the hood of his car and then spun to the ground and put in handcuffs.

“If I was white, it wouldn’t have happened,” said Thomas, who has filed a lawsuit against the city over the incident. The New York City Corporation Counsel said it could not comment on pending litigation.

At an alehouse in Williamsburg, Brooklyn last week, a group of black police officers from across the city gathered for the beer and chicken wing special. They discussed how the officers involved in the Garner incident could have tried harder to talk down an upset Garner, or sprayed mace in his face, or forced him to the ground without using a chokehold. They all agreed his death was avoidable.

Said one officer from the 106th Precinct in Queens, “That could have been any one of us.”

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Activism

Rep. Kamlager-Dove Introduces Bill to Protect Women in Custody After Reports Detailing Miscarriages and Neglect

The Pregnant Women in Custody Act would expand safeguards beyond the federal prison system to include women detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, U.S. Customs and Border Protection and the Office of Refugee Resettlement. The proposal follows reports of pregnant women being shackled, denied medical care and suffering miscarriages while in immigration detention.

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By Bo Tefu, California Black Media

Congresswoman Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-CA-37) on May 7, reintroduced updated legislation aimed at strengthening protections and healthcare standards for pregnant and postpartum women held in federal custody, including in immigration detention facilities.

The Pregnant Women in Custody Act would expand safeguards beyond the federal prison system to include women detained by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, U.S. Customs and Border Protection and the Office of Refugee Resettlement. The proposal follows reports of pregnant women being shackled, denied medical care and suffering miscarriages while in immigration detention.

The legislation builds on a bipartisan version previously passed by the House during the 117th Congress. The updated bill includes new standards for healthcare access, mental health and substance use treatment, high-risk pregnancy care, family unity protections and increased federal oversight.

“Proper pregnancy care is a human right, regardless of your immigration or incarceration status,” Kamlager-Dove said in a statement. “It’s unacceptable that there are virtually no legal safeguards for pregnant women in federal custody.”

The bill would also limit the use of restraints and restrictive housing for pregnant women, improve data collection on maternal health in custody and require additional staff training and enforcement measures.

Supporters of the measure said the legislation is intended to address long-standing concerns about maternal healthcare and safety in detention settings, particularly for Black women and low-income women who are disproportionately impacted by incarceration and health disparities.

“Pregnant women in custody should never be subjected to dangerous and inhumane treatment that threatens their health, dignity, or the well-being of their babies,” said Patrice Willoughby, chief of policy and legislative affairs for the NAACP and a longtime public policy and government affairs strategist, in a statement.

A 2021 report estimated there are about 58,000 admissions of pregnant women into U.S. jails and prisons each year. Kamlager’s statement also cited a recent investigation by NBC News and Bloomberg Law that identified allegations of severe mistreatment or medical neglect involving at least 54 pregnant women or families in county jails between 2017 and 2024.

Federal policy under the Department of Homeland Security restricts the detention of pregnant, postpartum and nursing immigrants except in extreme cases. However, the agency reported that ICE deported 363 pregnant, postpartum or nursing women between January 2025 and February 2026, including 16 recorded miscarriages during that period.

The bill is cosponsored by several House Democrats and backed by organizations including the NAACP and the Vera Institute of Justice.

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Activism

Asm. Jackson Bill Requiring Anti-Hate Speech Training for Calif. Public Officials Sent to “Suspense File”

The bill, authored by Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley), would add one hour of anti-hate speech instruction to the sexual harassment prevention training already required for state and local officials. The proposal applies to legislators, constitutional officers, city council members, county supervisors and school board trustees statewide and would take effect in 2028 if approved. 

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Photo courtesy of the office of Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley).
Photo courtesy of the office of Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley).

By Bo Tefu, California Black Media

After a hearing on May 6, the Assembly Appropriations Committee ordered Assembly Bill (AB) 1578 to the Suspense File, delaying action on legislation that would require California public officials to complete anti-hate speech training.

The bill, authored by Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley), would add one hour of anti-hate speech instruction to the sexual harassment prevention training already required for state and local officials. The proposal applies to legislators, constitutional officers, city council members, county supervisors and school board trustees statewide and would take effect in 2028 if approved.

“It’s time for us to continue to work on and finally go on the offense when it comes to hate racism and xenophobia to make sure that all people are able to live in the state of California with the dignity and honor that they deserve,” said Jackson, who also chairs the Assembly Select Committee on Racism, Hate and Xenophobia.

On April 16, the Assembly Committee on Governmental Organization voted 16-5 to advance the measure to Appropriations. Jackson has said the bill is part of a broader legislative package informed by findings from the Commission on the State of Hate and aimed at addressing hate in public spaces, workplaces and institutions.

In the California Legislature, a bill is placed on the “Suspense File” when it has a significant fiscal impact on the state budget — generally costing the state $150,000 or more from the General Fund or $50,000 or more from a special fund. Bills sent to suspense are held by the Assembly or Senate Appropriations Committee and reviewed later in a single batch hearing, where lawmakers decide which measures move forward, are amended, or quietly die without a vote.

Jackson said the training would focus on the real-world consequences of inflammatory rhetoric.

Supporters, including the Alameda County Office of Education, say the training would help elected officials better understand how language can perpetuate bias.

“In the current political climate, where discourse can often become polarized and inflammatory, it is more important than ever for elected officials to receive specialized anti-hate speech training,” wrote Lucy Carter, director of policy and governance for the Alameda County Office of Education, in a letter supporting the bill.

Opponents, including the California Family Council, argue the term “hate speech” is too subjective and could suppress political disagreement.

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Activism

Advocates Rally at State Capitol to Demand Heat Protections for Incarcerated People; More Funding for DV Survivors

On May 4, Assemblymember Mike Gipson (D-Carson) spoke at the Survivors Speak California Rally at the State Capitol to advocate for AB 2499, which focuses on heat and health protections in state prisons. The three-day event was organized by Californians for Safety and Justice, a project of the Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice network.

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Crime Survivors Speak at the California State Capitol was a multi-day advocacy event held May 4–6 that called for increased support, services, and funding for crime victims. Organized by Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice (CSSJ), the gathering brought together more than 200 survivors and family members to advocate for legislative reforms. CBM photo by Antonio Ray Harvey.
Crime Survivors Speak at the California State Capitol was a multi-day advocacy event held May 4–6 that called for increased support, services, and funding for crime victims. Organized by Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice (CSSJ), the gathering brought together more than 200 survivors and family members to advocate for legislative reforms. CBM photo by Antonio Ray Harvey.

By Antonio Ray Harvey, California Black Media

In July 2024, Adrienne Boulware, a 47-year-old mother and grandmother, died from complications related to extreme heat exhaustion while incarcerated at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) in Chowchilla, according to her family.

Assemblymember Mike Gipson (D-Carson) hopes his legislation, Assembly Bill (AB) 2499 — also known as the “Adrienne Act” — will help prevent tragedies like Boulware’s death in California prisons.

“It is no secret that our state prisons have aging infrastructures that have inadequate ventilation systems,” Gipson said. “It should come as no shock that indoor temperatures in these facilities exceed 90 degrees, which means it gets really hot.”

On May 4, Gipson spoke at the Survivors Speak California Rally at the State Capitol to advocate for AB 2499, which focuses on heat and health protections in state prisons. The three-day event was organized by Californians for Safety and Justice, a project of the Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice network.

Boulware’s family attended the rally in support of the measure, which would require the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) to establish a pilot program to address extreme heat by July 1, 2027, in at least three prisons across different climate zones.

Boulware’s daughter, Michela Nelson, said her mother frequently complained about heatwaves during the summer months. CDCR stated that Boulware’s death — she was also known as “Twin” — appeared to be related to pre-existing medical conditions rather than extreme heat.

“My mother was not just a mother of four and grandmother of 12. She was a mother to many inside and outside of the prison,” said Nelson, the eldest of Boulware’s children. “My mother didn’t die because she was sentenced to death. She died because she was left in conditions no human being should ever endure.”

AB 2499 would formally create the Climate Justice in Prisons Emergency Response Act. The legislation would require CDCR to develop a long-term plan to install heating, ventilation, and air conditioning (HVAC) systems and shade structures in existing facilities.

The Survivors Speak California Rally coincided with other advocacy events at the Capitol supporting survivors of violent crime.

On May 5, Jazz LedBetter and other advocates rallied nearby to urge lawmakers to include $100 million in the state budget for domestic violence and sexual assault services.

Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo (D-Chatsworth) and Sen. Susan Rubio (D-Baldwin Park) served as keynote speakers. Both lawmakers have publicly shared their own experiences as survivors of assault.

LedBetter, a survivor of human trafficking, is also an author, activist, and artist who uses her experiences to advocate for human trafficking prevention. She shares her story of survival, addiction, and recovery in her self-published book, “Harlot Heart: Tributes To Triumph.”

“Take a moment and think about someone finally reaching out for help, and there’s no one here to answer,” LedBetter said during her presentation on the east lawn of the Capitol.

Advocates said the funding is needed to help close a gap caused by a sharp decline in federal Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) funding.

“I am here because I am proof of what happens when someone gets support. Don’t let this funding (shortfall) be the reason someone doesn’t make it out,” LedBetter said. “The difference between survival and unfortunately common sad stories is whether or not someone is there (to help) when it matters the most.”

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