What California Is Learning from Expanding Voters Rights
Mail-in ballot voting has been underway since the second week in May. Assembly Bill 37, signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021, requires the state to send vote-by-mail (VBM) ballots to every registered voter in the state. The law applies to all elections held after Jan. 1, 2022.
June 7, 2022 is Primary Election Day in California.
On the ballot are candidates for U.S. Senate, Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, Controller, Treasurer, Attorney General, Insurance Commissioner, State Board of Equalization, State Superintendent of Public Instruction, U.S. House of Representatives, State Senate and State Assembly, as well as candidates for local elected positions.
There are two contests for U.S. Senate on the ballot. One is for a full six-year term ending Jan. 3, 2029. The other is for the remainder of the term that Sen. Alex Padilla (D-CA) has been serving in place of Vice. President Kamala Harris that ends Jan. 3, 2023.
Mail-in ballot voting has been underway since the second week in May. Assembly Bill 37, signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021, requires the state to send vote-by-mail (VBM) ballots to every registered voter in the state. The law applies to all elections held after Jan. 1, 2022.
Ballots are sent 29 days before the election, which was May 9 for the primary. For the November General Election, voters will start receiving ballots October 10.
A majority of California voters live in counties that have adopted the Voter’s Choice Act (VCA) system. In 2016, Senate Bill 450 created the VCA, an election model that expands voters’ options for how, when and where they can cast their ballots in an attempt to provide more accessible voting options.
VBM ballots are provided with a postage-paid return envelope. For a ballot to count in the upcoming primary election, it must be postmarked on or before Election Day and received by June 14, 2022. It can also be dropped off in-person to a secure ballot drop box, a voting location or county elections office by 8:00 p.m. on June 7, 2022.
The VCA is an optional law. Counties elect if they want to adopt it. In 2018, five counties adopted the new law: Madera, Napa, Nevada, Sacramento and San Mateo. In 2020, nine additional counties changed their election models to the VCA: Amador, Butte, Calaveras, El Dorado, Fresno, Los Angeles, Mariposa, Orange, Santa Clara, and Tuolumne. In 2022, the number of counties that have transitioned to the VCA grew to 28 with the addition of Alameda, Kings, Marin, Merced, Riverside, San Benito, San Diego, Santa Cruz, Sonoma, Stanislaus, Ventura, and Yolo counties.
In VCA counties, early in-person voting begins as early as May 28. Voters can vote at any county vote center instead of being assigned to a neighborhood polling place. The vote centers are open four to 10 days prior to the election, including weekends. They serve as one-stop shops with accessible voting machines – venues where voters can drop off their VBM ballot, receive a replacement ballot, register to vote, and get help with voting material in multiple languages.
Unregistered voters who miss the close of registration on May 23 will be able to conditionally register to vote at any vote center and cast a provisional ballot through the end of Election Day.
When California policymakers and election officials proposed the Voter’s Choice Act most proponents applauded its benefits, including lowering election administration costs, providing greater convenience and flexibility for voters, and the potential to improve voter turnout.
VCA counties had higher voter registration rates in the state. The 15 VCA counties accounted for about half of the state’s registered voters in both elections.
Many VCA counties experienced a higher voter turnout compared to their non-VCA counterparts. Turnout in the 2020 General Election across racial groups showed white voters had a higher overall turnout than their non-W\white counterparts. The voter turnout gap for Black voters was 5.2 points, and AAPI voters had a turnout gap of 4.3 points.
Black and AAPI voters turned out at similar rates as the VCA counties’ average, and Latino voters used in-person voting most among all races and ethnicities.
Use of vote-by-mail ballots was the primary choice of voting in the 2020 elections. More voters chose to return their ballot by drop box than by mail. Use of drop boxes decreased after the age of 45 in the Primary Election and age 35 in the General Election.
Voters in VCA counties cast a ballot in-person at a higher rate than voters in non-VCA counties in the General Election (55.1%). For the Primary Election, that number was 46.6%.
In the General Election, voters aged 46-55 voted in person most compared to all other age groups. In both the Primary and General Elections, voters aged 66+ voted in-person least.
VBM ballot rejection rates in VCA counties were similar to VBM ballot rejections statewide. Voters aged 18-25 had the highest ballot rejection rate. Ballot rejection rates decreased as voter age increased in VCA counties.
VBM ballots were rejected (69.3%) mainly due to not being received on time during the Primary Election. But General Election VBM ballots were mainly rejected due to non-matching signatures (56.09%).
Provisional ballot use decreased significantly between the Primary and General Elections.
There were no confirmed instances of voter fraud in both the Primary and General elections in 2020.
Secretary of State’s Recommendations based on the report findings:
Share best practices from counties that have high voter registration rates with counties that have lower registration rates.
Reduce ballot rejection rates through increased voter education.
Continue to work with counties to ensure drop box locations are accessible and convenient to the public.
Increase outreach and education about early in-person voting and other voting options available in VCA counties.
Increase targeted outreach efforts to engage young voters (18-25).
“We have taken away every excuse a person can possibly have as to why they won’t vote,” SOS Weber said recently. “People realize this is going to be easy and it’s comfortable.”
Protecting California’s Black Moms and Babies: Policies and Programs Struggle to Fix Deep-Rooted Maternal Health Inequities
“Access to doula services means that any time in their trimesters, they can have eight sessions with their doula, whether virtual, Telehealth or in-person. The doulas are with them through their labor and delivery, and can help clients, partners, families, be prepared with a birth plan, education, and understanding labor stages,” said Los Angeles-based Sister Marquita of A Sister By Your Side doula services.
Gnae Dismuke experienced a miscarriage at 11 weeks in 2017 and later gave birth to three children, now ages six, four, and one month.
Dismuke says she’s encouraged that programs exist to advocate for safer birth outcomes for Black women like her. However, when it comes to actual practices of medical facilities and doctors, she has a conflicted perspective – a point of view shaped by her three birth experiences: one in a hospital, one at home, and another in a hospital.
“The nurse was able to move mountains quickly that I wasn’t able to move with the medical industry, with just advocating for me, asking for things like physical therapy,” she stated.
Statistics show that Black women in California are three to four times more likely than White women to die from pregnancy-related complications. Some birth equity advocates argue that expanding access to midwifery care and certified birth doulas could help reduce these disparities. Others emphasize the need for education, noting barriers such as high costs for preferred birthing options and managing high-risk factors like hypertension and stress related to systemic discrimination.
“Doctors don’t want to see you until almost the end of the first trimester. That’s 11 to 12 weeks in. Many things could go wrong,” Dismuke said, recalling experiencing spontaneous bleeding in the first trimester for all three of her births.
“Groups like M.O.R.E. Mothers, a nonprofit maternal health-focused community-based organization in Long Beach, are part of programmatic solutions. They provide classes and workshops,” she added.
To assist mothers like Dismuke, the Department of Health Care Services (DHCS) added doula services to preventive services covered under Medi-Cal in 2023. Still, many mothers don’t know these benefits exist because Medi-Cal coverage is based on income, but those pregnant qualify at higher income levels than other adults.
“I thought [a doula] was for people who had money, who had private health insurance and stuff like that,” said a Medi-Cal beneficiary who asked not to be identified.
Under Assembly Bill (AB) 133, doula services were formally included as a “covered preventive service” under Medi-Cal in 2023. AB 133 was co-authored by former State Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley) and Sen. Akilah Weber (D-San Diego), a pediatrician. It built on the California “Momnibus” Act, passed in 2021, aimed at improving maternal and infant health outcomes among Medi-Cal members.
“Access to doula services means that any time in their trimesters, they can have eight sessions with their doula, whether virtual, Telehealth or in-person. The doulas are with them through their labor and delivery, and can help clients, partners, families, be prepared with a birth plan, education, and understanding labor stages,” said Los Angeles-based Sister Marquita of A Sister By Your Side doula services.
Doulas also help mothers understand their rights during labor and delivery, and Medi-Cal support extends postpartum care until the baby reaches one year of age.
The statistics are personal for Jade Ross, a member of Los Angeles County MotherBoard, an advisory collaborative of Black mothers working at the intersection of healing, advocacy, and sustainable systems change to create a more just and equitable world for Black mothers and babies.
“That’s why I do the work I do: so Black women can basically birth in joy without trauma,” stated Ross, while cuddling her 11-week-old infant, Kalea.
Organizers and participants of the 2025 California Black Birth Equity Summit close out the event with an uplifting a cappella performance.
“A lot of it has to do with education,” continued Ross, speaking at the 2025 California Black Birth Equity Summit in Sacramento. “I think a lot of people have certain ideas about what midwifery or holistic care looks like, or, on the other end, don’t trust the medical system.”
Held biannually, the Summit was founded by Mashariki Kudumu, a doula and public health advocate. This year, it was co-hosted by the California Coalition for Black Birth Justice and UCSF Center for Birth Justice. Themed “Rooted in Action,” the Summit brought over 500 clinicians, midwives, doulas, and policymakers together.
Sonya Young Aadam, CEO of the California Black Women’s Health Project, said, “I strongly believe that our advocacy in these spaces can make a difference. We go in and we demand the care that we need. But many of us are not even aware the disparities exist.”
Despite progress, disparities persist. According to the 2025 State of Black Birth Equity in California Report, the state continues to experience disproportionately poor outcomes, even with low maternal mortality and strong infant health outcomes.
Jennie Joseph, a British-trained midwife and summit panelist, said that Black women in the U.S.:
tend to have premature babies;
have low birth weight babies;
lose babies more frequently;
are less likely to breastfeed; and
often struggle to recover postpartum.
“This is all we’ve got. This is all we can expect. Is this the reason why Black women and families are suffering?’ No! The root causes are straightforward: racism, classism, gender discrimination. That’s it!” said Joseph.
She emphasized these outcomes are not physiological but result from systemic inequities.
“One solution is simply getting people into care straight away. We operate like the triage or the emergency room for pregnancy-related issues. We’ll get you in, we’ll sort you out, and then we’ll pass you on to whoever you want to go on to,” she said.
Assemblymember Mia Bonta (D-Alameda) noted at the Summit that California’s maternal health crisis includes the closure of more than 50 labor and delivery wards in the last decade, heavily impacting low-income, Black, Latina, and Indigenous communities.
Ongoing challenges include low Medi-Cal reimbursement, lack of investment in the birthing workforce, and federal attacks on healthcare infrastructure. Bonta’s AB 55, the Freedom to Birth Act, champions Alternative Birth Centers, which improve newborn birth rates, decrease cesarean births, promote successful breastfeeding, and reduce racial health disparities.
“Red tape should never stand in the way of proven solutions to deliver affordable and accessible healthcare for Californians. By signing AB 55, our state has taken a much-needed step to address the maternal health crisis,” Bonta said.
Doula Directory:Search a list of doulas in California enrolled as Medi-Cal providers.
OP-ED: AB 1349 Puts Corporate Power Over Community
Since Ticketmaster and Live Nation merged in 2010, ticket prices have jumped more than 150 percent. Activities that once fit a family’s budget now take significant disposable income that most working families simply don’t have. The problem is compounded by a system that has tilted access toward the wealthy and white-collar workers. If you have a fancy credit card, you get “presale access,” and if you work in an office instead of a warehouse, you might be able to wait in an online queue to buy a ticket. Access now means privilege.
Bishop Joseph Simmons, Senior Pastor, Greater St. Paul Baptist Church, Oakland
By Bishop Joseph Simmons, Senior Pastor, Greater St. Paul Baptist Church, Oakland
As a pastor, I believe in the power that a sense of community can have on improving people’s lives. Live events are one of the few places where people from different backgrounds and ages can share the same space and experience – where construction workers sit next to lawyers at a concert, and teenagers enjoy a basketball game with their grandparents. Yet, over the past decade, I’ve witnessed these experiences – the concerts, games, and cultural events where we gather – become increasingly unaffordable, and it is a shame.
These moments of connection matter as they form part of the fabric that holds communities together. But that fabric is fraying because of Ticketmaster/Live Nation’s unchecked control over access to live events. Unfortunately, AB 1349 would only further entrench their corporate power over our spaces.
Since Ticketmaster and Live Nation merged in 2010, ticket prices have jumped more than 150 percent. Activities that once fit a family’s budget now take significant disposable income that most working families simply don’t have. The problem is compounded by a system that has tilted access toward the wealthy and white-collar workers. If you have a fancy credit card, you get “presale access,” and if you work in an office instead of a warehouse, you might be able to wait in an online queue to buy a ticket. Access now means privilege.
Power over live events is concentrated in a single corporate entity, and this regime operates without transparency or accountability – much like a dictator. Ticketmaster controls 80 percent of first-sale tickets and nearly a third of resale tickets, but they still want more. More power, more control for Ticketmaster means higher prices and less access for consumers. It’s the agenda they are pushing nationally, with the help of former Trump political operatives, who are quietly trying to undo the antitrust lawsuit launched against Ticketmaster/Live Nation under President Biden’s DOJ.
That’s why I’m deeply concerned about AB 1349 in its current form. Rather than reining in Ticketmaster’s power, the bill risks strengthening it, aligning with Trump. AB 1349 gives Ticketmaster the ability to control a consumer’s ticket forever by granting Ticketmaster’s regime new powers in state law to prevent consumers from reselling or giving away their tickets. It also creates new pathways for Ticketmaster to discriminate and retaliate against consumers who choose to shop around for the best service and fees on resale platforms that aren’t yet controlled by Ticketmaster. These provisions are anti-consumer and anti-democratic.
California has an opportunity to stand with consumers, to demand transparency, and to restore genuine competition in this industry. But that requires legislation developed with input from the community and faith leaders, not proposals backed by the very company causing the harm.
Will our laws reflect fairness, inclusion, and accountability? Or will we let corporate interests tighten their grip on spaces that should belong to everyone? I, for one, support the former and encourage the California Legislature to reject AB 1349 outright or amend it to remove any provisions that expand Ticketmaster’s control. I also urge community members to contact their representatives and advocate for accessible, inclusive live events for all Californians. Let’s work together to ensure these gathering spaces remain open and welcoming to everyone, regardless of income or background.
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