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The Walking Dead: Public Policy is Problematic for People of Color

“Once you get a felony conviction, your life is practically ruined based off of the current laws on the books in many states,” said nationally-recognized civil rights attorney Benjamin L. Crump. “It is as if you are walking dead, but they just haven’t given you the death certificate.”

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By Jeffrey L. Boney, NNPA Political Analyst

According to the World Prison Brief, which is a unique database that provides free access to information about prison systems throughout the world, there are over 2 million people in prison and jails throughout the United States, which is approximately 0.66 percent of the country’s entire population. Out of those incarcerated individuals, more than 50 percent of them are detained or convicted for non-violent offenses and roughly 56 percent of them are Black.

It is, and always has been, a huge issue. One of the primary issues is the money associated with mass incarceration. Mass incarceration is a multi-billion dollar business — the annual cost of incarcerations is over $87 billion dollars.

Many of the people who have played a major role in ensuring that this economic engine remains intact are legislators and other elected officials at the federal, state and local levels.

This is why voting matters and elections have consequences.

Speaking to attendees and members of the Black Press at the National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA) Mid-Winter Training Conference last week in Orlando, nationally-recognized civil rights attorney Benjamin L. Crump spoke passionately about the need to have people in office who care about the rights of people of color through public policy.

“Once you get a felony conviction, your life is practically ruined based off of the current laws on the books in many states,” said Crump. “It is as if you are walking dead, but they just haven’t given you the death certificate.”

In looking at each state and county, legislators and District Attorneys have the power to decide which rights they can strip away from people once they have been convicted of a felony. Of course, many of those rights continue to remain stripped away even after those individuals have served time for the criminal offense that they were convicted of.

On the flip side, legislators and District Attorneys also have the power to decide which rights individuals can regain once they are released from prison and/or are no longer on probation.

This is extremely important across counties and states in the United States, where, according to a study done by the Equal Justice Initiative in 2014, roughly 95 percent of the 2,437 elected state and local prosecutors in the U.S. in 2014 were White. The study went even further to show that although White men made up 31 percent of the population nationwide, approximately 79 percent of the elected prosecutors were White men, and 66 percent of the states that elected prosecutors had no African Americans working for them in those offices.

Although the rights of formerly incarcerated individuals are slightly different from state to state, there are some common rights that are customarily taken away*.

Federal law states that any person who is convicted of a crime that is punishable by a minimum of 12 months in prison, is prohibited from purchasing or owning a firearm, regardless of whether that person actually served time in prison or not.

Of course, voting is extremely important and voting rights vary from state to state.

The majority of states across the country deny convicted felons the right to vote, although there a few states where convicted felons are still allowed to vote while they are in prison or jail.

However, once a person is released from jail, the majority of states continue to deny formerly incarcerated individuals the right to vote until after they complete some form of probation. Even worse, there are a few states that prohibit formerly incarcerated felons from voting ever again in life.

There are several other rights that are impacted, such as prohibiting formerly incarcerated individuals from serving on a jury, stripping away their ability to travel outside the country, impeding their ability to obtain gainful employment in certain professions, impacting their parental rights, making it difficult to receive public assistance and housing, and many other quality of life issues that make life in America so much more manageable.

The prevailing culture within America’s criminal justice won’t change overnight, and it won’t change at all unless there is a conscious effort to advocate for that change.

Crump challenged the Black Press to “go to any courtroom across America and sit in the back of the room” to observe the visibly apparent disparate treatment that people of color often experience on a day-to-day basis.

Crump also expressed the importance of working with the Black Press to raise awareness and push for changes in the criminal justice system across America.

“We have to stand up for our children and speak up for our children,” said Crump.  “We are together in this. The Black lawyers, Black law enforcement officials, and my Lord, the Black Press, are needed more now than ever before.”

Jeffrey L. Boney is a political analyst and international correspondent for the NNPA Newswire and BlackPressUSA.com and serves as Associate Editor for the Houston Forward Times newspaper. Jeffrey is an award-winning journalist, dynamic international speaker, experienced entrepreneur, business development strategist and founder and CEO of the Texas Business Alliance. Follow Jeffrey on Twitter @realtalkjunkies

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Oakland Post: Week of August 12 – 18, 2026

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of August 12 – 18, 2026

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Commentary

COMMENTARY: Why Local School Tax Measure G1 Will Not Be on the November Ballot

POST NEWS GROUP — Measure G1 is the local tax measure that supports middle school teacher retention and the expansion of arts, music, and world language programs at both OUSD middle schools and charter middle schools. The current measure expires in 2029.

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There has been considerable speculation recently about why Measure G1 will not appear on the November ballot and what that means for the Oakland Unified School District’s current budget.

I want to provide some clarity about what happened and, importantly, what did not happen.

Measure G1 is the local tax measure that supports middle school teacher retention and the expansion of arts, music, and world language programs at both OUSD middle schools and charter middle schools. The current measure expires in 2029.

Because these funds are important to our schools and to the continuity of these programs, the district initially intended to place a renewal initiative on the November ballot to provide greater early certainty about funding beyond the expiration of the current measure.

As part of that process, the Board scheduled a special meeting for the required public hearing on the ballot initiative. There has been some suggestion that this meeting was noticed only one day in advance. That is not accurate.

Public hearings of this nature are subject to specific notice requirements, and the meeting must be noticed at least two weeks before the hearing. In practice, the notice may appear even earlier depending on publication schedules. The notice for the Measure G1 public hearing was published in the Tribune on 7/24/2026 and 7/31/2026.

So, why wasn’t the Measure G1 paperwork ultimately filed?

After the Board approved placing the measure on the ballot, the next step required the Alameda County Superintendent of Schools to sign the necessary paperwork before it could be submitted to the Oakland City Clerk.

During that process, Alameda County Superintendent Alysse Castro raised concerns about potential litigation stemming from another court case unrelated to OUSD and about whether proceeding with the measure could expose the district or County to legal challenges. Superintendent Castro’s action is unprecedented and concerning. 

It is important to distinguish between the Board’s decision to pursue Measure G1 and the subsequent procedural and legal issues that arose. The Board did approve moving forward with the measure. The measure did not fail because the Board chose not to support it, nor was the public hearing improperly noticed.

The decision not to proceed with the November ballot was made in light of the County’s concerns about potential litigation and the County’s required approval process.

We also need to be clear about what this does, and does not, mean for OUSD’s current budget. The existing Measure G1 funds remain available through the expiration of the current measure in 2029. The immediate issue is the longer-term continuity of funding beyond that date, not the elimination of these resources from the current year’s budget.

Our responsibility as a Board is to protect the educational programs and services our students depend on while ensuring that our decisions comply with the law and protect the district from unnecessary legal and financial risk.

We will continue working to understand the County’s concerns, explore our options, and advocate for the resources our students deserve. Our middle school students, teachers, and school communities deserve stability, and continued investment in arts, music, world languages, and teacher retention—and that work remains a priority for Oakland Unified.

Jennifer Brouhard is a retired OUSD educator and is the current OUSD School Board President representing District 2.

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ESSAY: California Can Close Its Colorectal Cancer Gap

POST NEWS GROUP — The numbers are stark. From 2014 through 2018, the age-adjusted colorectal cancer incidence rate was 40.2 cases per 100,000 Black Californians, compared with 35.8 among non-Hispanic White Californians. The mortality rate was 25.3 deaths per 100,000 among Black Californians and 17.7 among White Californians—a 43% difference.

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Dr. Gracie Ann Dinkins, left, and Sydney Y.K. Brown, MA

Every breakthrough in cancer care carries a promise: earlier detection, better treatment and longer life. California has helped deliver that promise through world-class cancer centers, a statewide cancer registry and major public-health investments. Yet colorectal cancer still exposes a painful divide: Black Californians are more likely to develop the disease and far more likely to die from it than their White neighbors.

The numbers are stark. From 2014 through 2018, the age-adjusted colorectal cancer incidence rate was 40.2 cases per 100,000 Black Californians, compared with 35.8 among non-Hispanic White Californians. The mortality rate was 25.3 deaths per 100,000 among Black Californians and 17.7 among White Californians—a 43% difference. 

A later state analysis showed that the incidence gap remained in 2021, at 39.0 versus 35.0 cases per 100,000.

These differences should not be treated as an inevitable consequence of biology. The more revealing explanation lies in what happens—or fails to happen—across the cancer-care continuum: prevention, screening, diagnostic follow-up, treatment and surveillance after treatment.

Colorectal cancer is one of the few cancers that screening can sometimes prevent. Colonoscopy can find and remove precancerous polyps, while stool-based tests can identify people who need further evaluation. The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force recommends screening for average-risk adults from ages 45 through 75, with several acceptable options. But a screening test saves no one if it is never offered, never completed or not followed by a timely colonoscopy after an abnormal result.

California’s cancer-burden report shows both the urgency of the problem and a troubling data gap. Nearly six in 10 colorectal cancers were diagnosed at a regional or distant stage among both Black and White patients from 2009 through 2018. The racial difference in stage was not statistically significant. Yet, the registry report did not include screening information, so it could not show who was offered a test, who completed it or who received the necessary colonoscopy afterward. It also did not assess whether survivors completed recommended follow-up. California can count cancers and deaths, but it cannot yet see every missed opportunity that produced them.

The disparities become clearer after diagnosis. A California Cancer Registry study of nearly 27,000 people with stage I through III colorectal cancer found that Black patients had 39% higher odds of receiving less than guideline-recommended treatment and 78% higher odds of waiting more than 60 days for treatment than White patients. Neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage explained part of the substandard treatment, but racial differences persisted even after researchers accounted for where patients lived.

Survival reflects the accumulation of these missed opportunities. Among Californians diagnosed from 2009 through 2013, five-year relative survival was 58.8% for Black patients and 65.1% for White patients. After researchers adjusted for age, insurance, neighborhood income, stage, chronic illness and other factors, the survival difference was no longer statistically significant. That does not make the gap less serious. It identifies much of it as potentially preventable: when access, timing and health conditions are unequal, survival will be unequal too.

California already has proof that a better system can work. Kaiser Permanente Northern California built an organized program that identified eligible patients, mailed annual home stool tests to those overdue, offered colonoscopy as an alternative, and tracked abnormal results through follow-up. Screening among Black members rose from about 40% in 2009 to 80% in 2019. Over the same period, their colorectal cancer death rate fell from 54.2 to 20.9 per 100,000, essentially eliminating the Black-White mortality gap within that health system.

The lesson is not that every Californian must join one health plan. It is that equity requires organized care rather than reliance on chance encounters. Mailed screening outreach, patient navigation and guaranteed follow-up colonoscopy should become standard across Medi-Cal, county health systems and community clinics. Health systems should publicly report screening completion; time from a positive stool test to colonoscopy; time from diagnosis to treatment; receipt of guideline-concordant therapy; and completion of post-treatment surveillance—each stratified by race, insurance, and neighborhood.

Transportation, paid time off, bowel-preparation costs, childcare and distrust are not side issues; they determine whether patients can complete care. Community organizations, churches, clinicians and public hospitals should help design outreach from the beginning, not merely deliver messages created elsewhere. Survivors should leave treatment with a clear surveillance plan, navigation support and reminders that do not disappear when active therapy ends.

Closing California’s colorectal cancer gap is achievable. The state has the tests, specialists, data systems and proof of concept. What it needs is the will to connect them. Success should be measured not only by how many cancers we treat, but by how many we prevent, how quickly we act and whether every Californian has an equal opportunity to survive.

About the Authors 

Gracie Ann E. Dinkins, MD, FACS, is a Clinical Assistant Professor of Surgery and Surgery Clerkship Director at the Charles R. Drew University College of Medicine, Department of Surgery. Her mission is to help realize the CDU vision: Excellent health and wellness for all in a world without health disparities.

Sydney Y. K. Brown, MA, is a medical student at the Charles R. Drew University College of Medicine whose work focuses on clinical research, community engagement, and health equity. She is committed to advancing equitable access to high-quality care and improving health outcomes in underserved communities.

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