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Protestors Condemn White Minority Rule, Modern Apartheid in the St. Louis Area

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Michael Brown, Sr., right, and activist Anthony Shahid lead a protest in Clayton, Mo., the seat of government for St. Louis County. (J.A. Salaam/The Final Call)

Special to the NNPA from The Final Call

FERGUSON, Mo. (The Final Call) – White minority rule in South Africa in 1960 resulted in Black youth getting gunned down by police officers while White minority rule in Ferguson, Mo., and an entrenched White power structure is connected to the shootings and targeting of Blacks and Black youth in the St. Louis metropolitan area, said activists during a recent weekend of protests.

Demonstrations over the March 20-21 weekend coincided with the 55th anniversary of the Sharpeville Massacre in South Africa and hundreds of protestors journeyed to Ferguson and Clayton, Mo., to continue demands for justice linked to the shooting of unarmed Black teenager Michael Brown, Jr., last summer and a Justice Dept. report condemning systematic targeting of Blacks by police and essentially a city government that extorted money from Black residents through the police department and the courts.

The Leadership Coalition for Justice and several other groups organized the National March on Ferguson with the theme “We Can’t Stop Now!” The first day of protest was a Friday gathering March 20 with people, some from across the country, gathering in Shaw Park in Clayton, Mo., the seat of county government and offices for the county attorney who failed to indict officer Darren Wilson for the shooting of Michael Brown, Jr.

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Hundreds of protestors took part in demonstration in Clayton, Mo., and Ferguson, Mo., over the March 20 weekend. (J.A. Salaam/The Final Call)

Among those protesting was the young victim’s father, Michael Brown, Sr., who marched, chanted and shared a few words. “We showed up and out this weekend and I’m happy to see all the support out here, this means a lot, thank you,” he said.

“I’ve been out here marching with the organization Leadership Coalition For Justice for two days in Clayton and Ferguson, Mo., but this weekend means even more because it marks the 55th anniversary of the Sharpeville Massacre, which was an incident that happened in South Africa where several youth activists decided that they were going to refuse to carry their passes during apartheid in South Africa,” said Nadeehah Azeez, a St. Louis resident who joined the protests.

“Because they were refusing to carry their passes they all left their homes marched down to the police station to turn themselves in for violating the law there. And while all these youth were out there marching, peacefully protesting, they were very intentional about being peaceful and non-violent. The police officers got nervous, someone pulled the trigger and 69 of those children ended up getting killed and several others were injured,” she said.

“We are here today because we stand in solidarity with those people who lost their lives in South Africa and we stand in solidarity with all of the unarmed Black men, women and children who have lost their lives here in the United States of America and in St. Louis,” said Ms. Azeez.

Protestors shut down and diverted traffic on a main expressway in Clayton and disrupted the flow of business in the county seat. Several municipal police departments were dispatched to help with traffic and crowd control.

The next day March 21, demonstrators joined a Saturday march on the Ferguson police station. Several hundred people carried signs, placards, chanted and called for the resignation of Mayor James Knowles and federal oversight of the police department.

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Police officer ropes off area in front of Ferguson police department headquarters during March 21 protest. (D.L. Phillips/The Final Call)

At the Saturday rally, activist Anthony Shahid of the Leadership Coalition for Justice told the crowd that Clayton police tried to plant a gun on Larry Miller, who spoke at the protest. “Listen up brothers and sisters, pay attention because you don’t know these wicked people, you are not paying attention to what I’m saying. I’m telling you they wanted to plant a gun on a brother yesterday in Clayton but got caught and it’s on video,” said Mr. Shahid.

“After the rally we walked around to where my car was parked. But one of the protestors in a wheelchair was catching the Metro train and our motto is leave no one behind so we stayed until she got on. Afterwards we drove off the lot so I can take Ralph to his car and noticed we were being followed by the police. We made several turns to the right, left and so on. When we got to his vehicle they pulled me over,” said Mr. Miller. “He said I made an illegal U-turn but it was not posted. I gave him my license and insurance card, by that time we were surrounded by four more police cars. I never experienced anything like this for making a supposed to be illegal turn.

Anyway, he came back to the car he said ‘can I speak to you a minute or do you want me to say it in front of these guys?’ I said, it’s okay these are my protest buddies, but I decided to get out the car and step to the back. He told me someone said they saw me put a gun in my waistband, is there any weapons in that car can we search that car? I said, ‘Sir, I’d rather you tell me the truth than to stand here and tell me a bold-faced lie. That’s an insult to my intelligence, we been protesting over 220 days do you think we are that stupid to bring a gun to Clayton, really sir? Don’t paint us with the same paint brush you put on the young man in Ferguson concerning the police who got shot.’

“Just like I don’t paint all cops as bad I don’t think you should do that to us, and as I was speaking with him someone yelled out, ‘You got a gun in your boot. What are you getting ready to do with that gun?’ The officer didn’t deny he didn’t have anything, instead he just started moving back and hiding it, but (we) filmed it. Then they let us go when I told the police officer that he cannot do anything to the passengers in my car if nothing is wrong with me as the driver, then they let us go.”

“I grew up in Kinloch, Mo., which borders Ferguson. The main reason I’m out here is after the murder of Mike Brown it brought back a lot of memories because every person in Kinloch had some type of negative moment in Ferguson. When I was 11-years-old walking down the street … just going into Ferguson to get an ice cream cone, two White men in a car threw a cup of piss on me and I never got over that. So I’m out here not only to get justice for Mike Brown and to end police brutality from this racist community, but I’m trying to get some satisfaction for myself for the injustice that was done to me as a kid,” said 62-year-old Larry Lewis.

“This weekend was something magical, you got a chance to see the Muslim brother, the Black Panther brothers, a lot of other spiritual religious people coming together for one cause and move with one voice and one sound. A lot of things was a little bit different because we let our elders take the lead, you know usually the youth is taking the lead but they led us to some good things this weekend,” said Marcellus Buckley, 23.

“But where we go from here is hard to say, because everyone is saying we need officials in but at the same time we feel that the whole system is guilty as hell. We say, ‘indict, convict, send that killer cop to jail, the whole damn system is guilty as hell,’ ” he chanted.

Mr. Shahid said the county executive refused to coordinate a simple stage and sound system for protestors with the mayor of Ferguson, who is trying to improve things. That means there is no respect for free speech from Steve Stinger, whose office is in Clayton, Mo., said the activist.

In a telephone interview, Mayor Knowles told The Final Call, “We committed to helping the organizers with their protest.” There are two stages and the county stage was the only one available, he said. But, the mayor added, that he was told to make a personal request to Mr. Stinger. My request was turned down, the county executive had no interest in doing anything with the protestors, said the mayor. “I told Mr. Stinger every time I work with (Min. Abdul Akbar Muhammad) or Shahid the outcome has always been positive. Mr. Stinger responded he did not like the idea of people being on a stage that has St. Louis County name on it and talking negatively about people,” said the mayor, who has been under pressure to resign.

The mayor said he told Mr. Stinger, “I would rather they be on the stage in the park than in the middle of the street.”

Democrat Stinger has a problem with the leaders of the coalition and me, and the county exec promised efforts to promote racial healing while running for office but isn’t living up to it, said Mr. Shahid. Clayton is a very affluent area, has Whites in power with few Blacks holding positions and they do not believe a problem exists, Mr. Shahid said. We plan continue to pressure him, vowed the veteran activist.

In these small municipalities in St. Louis County, not just Ferguson, young Black men are targeted and can face warrants and fines from multiple jurisdictions at the same time, said Mr. Shahid. We want a consent decree for the 88 area police departments under one authority and a civilian review board with subpoena power, he said. You can’t have the county police oversee Ferguson, he said.

We also want the police department, fire department, city officials to look like the residents of the majority Black communities, Mr. Shahid said. “We can’t win with these conditions,” he added.

There must be inclusion of Blacks in construction work so Blacks can make a living as tradesmen and not be blocked by trumped up arrest and conviction records, continued Mr. Shahid. The same people who got the world’s attention are not being given work and the insurance companies are hiring Whites for demolition and construction, he said.

“That’s a problem. We don’t want nothing built or torn down there unless Black folks are there,” Mr. Shahid said.

Activists David Royal and Tory Russell are working to get people out to vote and stress how important voting was 50 years ago and today, he said. If we elect people, the newly elected officials can appoint the police chief and mandate that Blacks be included in the rebuilding effort, he said. “How can we talk about bringing crime down and racial harmony and we don’t have anything?” asked Mr. Shahid.

Race relations could be better but the county executive isn’t setting the right tone for racial healing, said Mr. Shahid. He pointed to an article in the St. Louis Post Dispatch that has contributed to the targeting of volunteer Jana Gamble, a production assistant with a local TV station, who helped during days off over the weekend. Social media has been full of attacks and insults lobbed at the young woman, who said in an initial post that her desire was to work with everyone and get justice for everyone.

Mr. Stinger only wants to work with a select group of Black people, not everyone as he said while running for office, said Mr. Shahid. “We have to stay out there in Clayton,” said Mr. Shahid. “They are not trying to sit down with us and work with us. This thing is far from over and if anything it’s just starting now.”

Mr. Shahid also wants to boycott St. Louis and the metropolitan area, whether its tourism, sport teams, colleges or any venture that makes money.

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Black Artists in America, Installation Three Wraps at the Dixon Gallery and Gardens

TRI-STATE DEFENDER — With 50+ paintings, sculptures and assemblages, the exhibit features artists like Varnette Honeywood from Los Angeles, whose pieces appeared in Bill Coby’s private collection (before they were auctioned off) and on “The Cosby Show.” Also included are works by Alonzo Davis, another Los Angeles artist who opened one of the first galleries there where Black Artists could exhibit. 

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By Candace A. Gray | Tri-State Defender

The tulips gleefully greet those who enter the gates at the Dixon Gallery & Gardens on an almost spring day. More than 650,000 bulbs of various hues are currently on display. And they are truly breathtaking.

Inside the gallery, and equally as breathtaking, is the “Black Artists in America, From the Bicentennial to September 11” exhibit, which runs through Sunday, March 29. This is the third installment of a three-part series that started years ago and illustrates part of the Black experience through visual arts in the 20th century.

“This story picks up where part two left off,’’ said Kevin Sharp, the Linda W. and S. Herbert Rhea director for the Dixon. “This era is when we really start to see the emergence of these important Black artists’ agency and freedom shine through. They start to say and express what they want to, and it was a really beautiful time.”

With 50+ paintings, sculptures and assemblages, the exhibit features artists like Varnette Honeywood from Los Angeles, whose pieces appeared in Bill Coby’s private collection (before they were auctioned off) and on “The Cosby Show.” Also included are works by Alonzo Davis, another Los Angeles artist who opened one of the first galleries there where Black Artists could exhibit.

“Though [Davis] was from LA, he actually lived in Memphis for a decade,” said Sharp. “He was a dean at Memphis College of Art, and later opened the first gallery in New York owned and operated by black curators.”

Another featured artist is former NFL player, Ernie Barnes. His work is distinctive. Where have you seen one of his most popular paintings, Sugar Shack? On the end scene and credits of the hit show “Good Times.” His piece Saturday Night, Durham, North Carolina, 1974 is in this collection.

Memphis native James Little’s “The War Baby: The Triptych” is among more than 50 works featured in “Black Artists in America, From the Bicentennial to September 11” at the Dixon Gallery & Gardens, the final installment of a three-part series highlighting the impact and evolution of Black artists through 2011.

Memphis native James Little’s “The War Baby: The Triptych” is among more than 50 works featured in “Black Artists in America, From the Bicentennial to September 11” at the Dixon Gallery & Gardens, the final installment of a three-part series highlighting the impact and evolution of Black artists through 2011.

The exhibit features other artists with Memphis ties, including abstract painter James Little, who was raised in a segregated Memphis and attended Memphis Academy of Art (before it was Memphis College of Art). He later moved to New York, became a teacher and an internationally acclaimed fixture in the art world in 2022 when he was named a Whitney Biennial selected artist at the Whitney Museum of American Art in New York.

Other artists like Romare Bearden, who had a Southern experience but lived up North, were featured in all three installments.

“During this period of time, he was a major figure,” said Sharp. “He wrote one of the first books on the history of African American art during a time when there were more Black academics, art teachers, more Black everything!”

Speaking of Black educators, Sharp said the head curator behind this tri-part series and Dixon’s partner in the arts is Earnestine Jenkins, Ph.D., an art history professor at the University of Memphis, who also earned a Master of Arts degree from Memphis State University (now UofM).  “We began working with Dr. Jenkins in 2018,” he said.

Sharp explained that it takes a team of curators, registrars, counterparts at other museums, and more, about three years to assemble an exhibit like this. It came together quite seamlessly, he added. Each room conjured up more jaw-dropping “wows” than the one before it. Each piece worked with the others to tell the story of Black people and their collective experience during this time period.

One of the last artists about whom Sharp shared information was Bettye Saar, who will turn 100 years old this year. She’s been working in Los Angeles for 80 years and is finally getting her due. Her medium is collages or assemblages, and an incredible work of hers is on display. She’s married to an artist and has two daughters, also artists.

The exhibit catalogue bears some of these artists’ stories, among other scholarly information.

The exhibit, presented by the Joe Orgill Family Fund for Exhibitions, is culturally and colorfully rich. It is a must see and admission to the Dixon is free.

Visit https://www.dixon.org/ to learn more.

Fun Facts: An original James Little design lives in the flooring of the basketball court at Tom Lee Park, and he makes and mixes his own paint colors.

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Grief, Advocacy, and Education: A Counselor Reflects on Black Maternal Health

SAN DIEGO VOICE & VIEWPOINT — Last month healthcare leaders, birth workers, and community members gathered to honor the legacy of Charleston native Dr. Janell Green Smith, a nurse-midwife and doctor of nursing practice who died in January from childbirth complications. She had participated in more than 300 births and specialized in helping Black women give birth safely.  

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By Jennifer Porter Gore | Word-In-Black | San Diego Voice and Viewpoint

In 2024, the number of U.S. mothers who died as a result of pregnancy or childbirth dropped compared to 2023. But while slightly fewer Black mothers died that year, they still had three times the mortality rate of white women.

South Carolina’s rates of maternal deaths outpaced even the national rates. In fact, the state’s overall rate of maternal deaths between 2019 and 2023 was higher than all but eight states and the District of Columbia.

Last month healthcare leaders, birth workers, and community members gathered to honor the legacy of Charleston native Dr. Janell Green Smith, a nurse-midwife and doctor of nursing practice who died in January from childbirth complications. She had participated in more than 300 births and specialized in helping Black women give birth safely.

Her death shocked the community and her colleagues who are determined to address concerns about Black maternal health. The event also covered the importance of protecting mental health during grief and of men’s role in solving the maternal health crisis.

As both a therapist and a father, Lawrence Lovell, a licensed professional counselor and founder of Breakthrough Solutions, discussed ways the event’s attendees could process their grief over Green Smith’s death. He also shared ways male partners can advocate for women’s maternal health during pregnancy and childbirth.

Lovell spoke not just as a therapist but also as a father whose own family had briefly crossed paths with Green Smith. The event, he said, emerged organically from a moment of collective mourning.

Despite the grief, “it was still, like, a really beautiful event, a much-needed event, and it almost felt like we were all giving each other a collective family hug,” says Lovell.

His connection to Green Smith, Lovell says, was brief but meaningful during his wife’s pregnancy with their second child. Green Smith was practicing at the same birthing center where they had their child. She began practicing in Greenville a short time later.Even that short connection carried significance for Lovell, given the small number of Black maternal health professionals.

Lovell did not initially plan to become a mental health practitioner; he chose the career path after graduating from college, when someone suggested he consider psychology. His interest deepened when he noticed how few Black men work in mental health.

“Being Black man and playing football in college, there weren’t a lot of people that look like me talking about mental health,” says Lovell. “[I wanted] to give people that look like me an opportunity to work with someone that looks like them.”

Working with Expectant and New Parents

Lovell often counsels couples preparing for parenthood by, helping partners understand what a successful pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum recovery look like. That often means helping women manage postpartum depression.

As a man, Lovell says, it’s “humbling” that a woman “just trusts me enough to work with me through their pregnancy or their postpartum recovery.”

In his work, Lovell has noticed how few men understand pregnancy before they experience it with their partner. Because early pregnancy symptoms are often invisible, he says, men may underestimate how much support a mom-to-be actually needs.

“Sometimes they may not realize they don’t know much about pregnancy and what to expect in those three trimesters,” Lovell says. “I tell a lot of the men that just because you can’t see [she’s pregnant] doesn’t mean that she won’t appreciate your intense support in that first trimester.”

Education about pregnancy and postpartum recovery, he says, can change how men support their partners.

Teaching Advocacy in the Delivery Room

Another major focus of Lovell’s counseling is preparing men to advocate for mothers during labor.

“Helping men understand what pregnancy looks like: what delivery is going to look like, and what are the realistic expectations that I should have of myself in postpartum,” he says.

Lovell encourages partners to be honest about their expectations for what will happen during delivery. He helps them prepare for the big day by discussing the birth plan and knowing how to quickly recognize problems. Clear communication, he says, prevents misunderstandings.

He regularly trains men to ask their partners detailed questions about their expectations during and after pregnancy. Advocacy in medical settings can be especially important and requires attention to details the mother may not be able to address.

“It’s always important to fine-tune things and truly understand what helps your partner feel most supported,” Lovell says. “Instead of guessing, you should ask.”

Lovell recalls a moment during the birth of his first child when he had to take that role.

During the delivery, “I felt like something wasn’t as sanitary as I’d like it to be,” he says. “I asked, ‘Hey, can you switch those out? Can you change your gloves?’”

Lovell has a succinct but powerful message he regularly shares with clients’ families, and he shared it with attendees at last month’s event.

“Just to believe women,” he says. “I’ve worked with different couples, and sometimes I’m not really sure that there’s enough empathy from the men.”

That includes how women express pain.

“If a woman says, ‘my pain is at a nine,’ just because how you would express yourself at a nine is different than how she’s expressing herself at [that level] doesn’t mean you shouldn’t believe her,” he says.

Empathy, he says, can change outcomes far beyond the delivery room.

“We’ve got to believe women when they’re talking about their experiences and their feelings and their pain,” he says. “I think there’s a lot that we can prevent if we empathize better.”

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Future of Florida’s Black History Museum in Limbo

JACKSONVILLE FREE PRESS — A proposal sponsored by Tom Leek, a Republican from Ormond Beach, has now passed the Senate in back-to-back legislative sessions. But the House version, filed by Kiyan Michael, a Jacksonville Republican, did not receive final approval in either year, effectively stalling the effort.

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Jacksonville Free Press

Plans to establish a long-awaited Black history museum in Florida are once again on hold after legislation needed to advance the project failed to clear the state House for a second consecutive year, despite repeated approval in the Senate.

A proposal sponsored by Tom Leek, a Republican from Ormond Beach, has now passed the Senate in back-to-back legislative sessions. But the House version, filed by Kiyan Michael, a Jacksonville Republican, did not receive final approval in either year, effectively stalling the effort.

Under Florida law, identical or similar bills must pass both chambers before heading to the governor’s desk. Without House approval, the legislation has been unable to move forward, leaving the project in limbo. Long journey, contested location.

The proposed museum, formally known as the Florida Museum of Black History, has been years in the making, with lawmakers and community leaders framing it as a long-overdue institution to preserve and showcase the state’s African American heritage .A central point of contention has been the museum’s location. St. Augustine — widely recognized as the nation’s oldest city and a site deeply tied to both slavery and early Black history — emerged as the leading contender. Supporters argue the city’s historical significance makes it a natural home for the museum. However, competing interests and regional considerations have fueled debate, slowing consensus among lawmakers.

While the Senate-backed measure has consistently advanced, the lack of alignment in the House has underscored ongoing divisions about how and where the project should take shape.

The holdup in the Florida House appears to be less about opposition to the museum itself and more about a combination of procedural bottlenecks, unresolved structural issues, and lingering disagreements over how the project should be formalized and governed.

Despite the legislative setbacks, Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis has publicly voiced support for the museum. Speaking last month during the unveiling of a statue of abolitionist Frederick Douglass in St. Augustine, DeSantis said the project would move forward “one way or another,” signaling an intent to see the museum built regardless of legislative hurdles.

The anticipated museum has already cleared several hurdles. St. Johns County signed an agreement last year with Florida Memorial University to use the land that once housed its campus last year’s legislative session netted $1 million in funding for St. Johns County to work on planning and design for the museum. However, its anticipated that a million $3 million is needed.

Still, without statutory approval to finalize key components — including governance, funding mechanisms and site selection — the project remains largely conceptual.
With the House bill failing again, the timeline for the museum’s development is unclear. Lawmakers could revisit the proposal in the next legislative session, but any further delays risk pushing the project back several more years. Advocates warn that continued inaction could stall momentum for a museum many see as critical to telling a fuller, more accurate story of Florida’s past. For now, the effort remains paused — caught between political support at the top and legislative gridlock within the Capitol.

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