#NNPA BlackPress
OP-ED: How heavy a burden does a person of color alleging discrimination have to carry to have his day in court?
NNPA NEWSWIRE — The United States Supreme Court’s decision will determine whether a plaintiff who alleges race discrimination pursuant to 42 USC 1981 may have his or her day in court if he or she can show that racial discrimination was a factor, even among others, in a defendant’s refusal to do business.
Published
7 years agoon
By
Oakland Post
By Falen O. Cox, Esq., Founding Partner, Cox, Rodman, and Middleton
The case, Comcast Corp. v. National Association of African American Owned Media and Entertainment Studios Networks, is, on the surface, a case about procedural issues. Beneath the surface it is about the ease or complexity a plaintiff may face when raising claims of racial discrimination under 42 US 1981.
Even though it has reached the United States Supreme Court, procedurally, the lawsuit is in the beginning stages, and the Supreme Court will be deciding whether the plaintiffs (Byron Allen company) may move forward in the legal process to have its “day in court” before a jury, or whether its suit should be dismissed before it reaches a jury or the investigatory process that we lawyers call “discovery.”
During the discovery process each side has an opportunity to ask questions of the other and compel answers, to request documents, and to question potential witnesses. This process is “investigative” and allows the plaintiff to gather the information necessary to present his or her case to a jury, and the defendant the ability to form any defenses he or she may have.
For example, if a plaintiff sues a defendant for rear-ending her at a red light, during the discovery process the plaintiff can ask the defendant whether he was texting at the time of the accident — if he was, the plaintiff can use that to show that the defendant was negligent.
On the other hand, if the plaintiff claims that she has back pain as a result of the collision, the defendant can ask if she has ever had back problems before. If she had been seeing a doctor about back pain prior to the collision, the defendant may be able to show that her back pain was not a result of the collision. However, if the court dismisses a case before the discovery process begins, the case is over, and these “discoveries” are never made.
In short, whether a case makes it to the discovery process, depends on whether the case is allowed to move forward after the plaintiff files a complaint. As common practice, defendants usually file a motion for summary judgement, asking the court to dismiss the plaintiff’s complaint prior to discovery and prior to any decision on the merits of the plaintiff’s claim along with its answer to the plaintiff’s complaint. It is a procedural tactic to prevent the lawsuit from moving further than the written complaint.
There are valid reasons for motions for summary judgement (dismissal). It is designed to make sure that frivolous claims do not overwhelm the court system and to ensure that the court’s limited resources and time are spent on legitimate claims. Additionally, defending a lawsuit can be time consuming and extremely costly for a defendant. A defendant should not have to spend thousands (or in this case probably hundreds of thousands) on legal fees and lost productivity to defend a frivolous claim. The motion for summary judgement acts as a gatekeeper to the legal system.
In this case, the National Association of African-American Owned Media and Entertainment Studios Networks, Inc. (the “Plaintiffs”) filed suit against Comcast, Time-Warner Cable, the former FCC Commissioner, the NAACP, the National Urban League, the National Action Network, and Reverend Al Sharpton alleging that Comcast and the others conspired together to deny it a contract to carry its network/television shows because it is a 100% black-owned company. (Editor’s note: NAN, NUL, and NAACP each are no longer party to the lawsuit).
However, the Court dismissed the suits against everyone except Comcast and Time-Warner for lack of personal jurisdiction, and the plaintiffs abandoned its argument of conspiracy.
At issue now, and before the United States Supreme Court, is whether Comcast, in refusing to contract with the Plaintiff, is in violation of 42 USC 1981. More specifically, whether a plaintiff who alleges discrimination in violation of 42 USC 1981 must allege that racial discrimination was the but for cause of the refusal to contract: “But for the plaintiff’s race, Comcast would have contracted with the plaintiff,” or whether the plaintiff may allege that race was a motivating factor in Comcast’s refusal to contract.
Even though there may have been other reasons that Comcast did not contract with Plaintiffs, the fact that it is a black company was a motivating factor. For context, 42 USC 1981 was enacted in 1886 during Reconstruction (after slavery) and reads:
“All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall have the same right in every State and Territory to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, and shall be subject to like punishment, pains, penalties, taxes, licenses, and exactions of every kind, and to no other.”
The District Court, which acts as a trial court in the federal court system, dismissed the Plaintiff’s complaint three times for failure to state a claim for which relief can be granted. It held that the Plaintiff’s complaint failed to show that, but for racial discrimination, Comcast would have contracted with Plaintiff, and that Plaintiff failed to allege that other companies that Comcast did in fact contract with were similarly situated to Plaintiff.
However, Plaintiff appealed the District Court’s decision to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals which reversed the District Court’s rulings and held that Plaintiff could move forward with its lawsuit. It denied Comcast’s motion for rehearing. Comcast filed a petition for certiorari in the United States Supreme Court, which was granted.
Comcast argues that Plaintiff’s lawsuit should be dismissed because it alleges that Plaintiff’s complaint was insufficient and that it did not allege “but for” causation or refute what Comcast alleges are legitimate business considerations for its refusal to contract with Plaintiff.
Comcast argues that it did not extend a contract to Plaintiff’s as a result of legitimate business practices, e.g.: that it did not have the bandwidth necessary, that it had a preference for sports and news programming, and that there was a lack of demand for Plaintiff’s programming. As a result, Comcast argues that Plaintiffs have failed to show that Comcast would have contracted with them but for Plaintiff’s race.
Comcast points out that it had, within the same time period, considered contracting with ESN; that it had in fact contracted with “Aspire” led by Earvin “Magic” Johnson and Revolt TV led by Sean “Diddy” Combs, which it claims has majority or substantial African-American ownership. Additionally, Comcast alleges that it has carried two 100% black-owned networks, African Channel and Black Family Channel.
Lastly, Comcast argues that Plaintiff’s case should be dismissed because Plaintiff has failed to show that it was similarly situated to the white-owned channels that it did contract with. The reasoning there is that apples must be compared to apples. For instance, if there is a white-owned channel with tremendous interest that is within Comcast’s preferred programming, then the fact that Comcast contracted with that network as opposed to Plaintiff’s — which Comcast alleges does not have interest and is not its preferred programing —is not a result of race discrimination, but instead is Comcast simply choosing the best content for its company.
On the other hand, Plaintiffs allege that it has attempted to contract with Comcast for approximately 8 years and has repeatedly been passed over for white-owned companies despite Comcast’s assurances that its channels were “good enough” and that it was on a “short list.” Additionally, Plaintiff offered its Justice.TV network to Comcast for free and without licensing fees. Comcast declined. As it relates to the lack of bandwidth that Comcast claims is a reason for its refusal to contract, Plaintiff notes that Comcast carries every channel (more than 500) that its competitors carry, except for Plaintiff’s.
Plaintiff’s channels are currently carried on Verizon, FIOS, AT&T, U-Verse, Direct TV, Sudden Link, RCN, Century Link, and many others. Additionally, despite its refusal to contract with Plaintiff as a result of its alleged bandwidth scarcity, Comcast has launched more than 80 lesser known white-owned channels. Plaintiff alleges that during the 8 years that it attempted to contract with Comcast, Comcast directed it to gain field support within the Comcast corporation, once that support had been gained, Plaintiffs were told that field support was no longer a factor.
Next, Plaintiffs were told that it needed Division Support only to be told by the Divisions that it deferred to corporate.
Plaintiffs allege that it spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in marketing and travel to gather support that was deemed necessary, but once achieved, was no longer sufficient.
Most explicit, is Plaintiff’s claim that a Comcast Executive stated, “We’re not trying to create anymore Bob Johnsons.” Bob Johnson is the founder and former owner of B.E.T. which was sold to Viacom for a reported $3 billion.
Plaintiffs allege that Comcast’s refusal to contract, in addition to being motivated by race alone, is also motivated by its desire not to have its networks (and the white-owned networks that it carries) be required to compete with Plaintiff’s networks, which are black-owned.
The United States Supreme Court’s decision will determine whether a plaintiff who alleges race discrimination pursuant to 42 USC 1981 may have his or her day in court if he or she can show that racial discrimination was a factor, even among others, in a defendant’s refusal to do business. If so, the plaintiff will be able to move forward through the legal process — and most importantly, through the discovery process — to investigate his or her claim and obtain the evidence necessary (if it exists) to put the question before a jury.
On the other hand, if the Court rules instead that a plaintiff must allege that, but for racial discrimination, the defendant would have contracted with him or her, a plaintiff looking to have his or her day in court will need much stronger evidence, and will be required to disprove any other reason given by the defendant for its refusal to contract without the benefit of discovery.
For example, if a defendant denies discrimination and instead says that it refused to contract because of limited resources without the benefit of discovery, the plaintiff may never learn that the defendant doubled its spending with white-owned companies within that same time period. To the contrary, this is information that the plaintiff might learn through the discovery process if his or her case is allowed to proceed.
This case, like so many other recent cases, will test the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the strength of civil rights law.
Falen O. Cox is the founding partner and director of operations at the Savannah, Ga.-based law firm of Cox, Rodman and Middleton.
Oakland Post
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COMMENTARY: Jim Crow 2.0 at the Pentagon
BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The American people are expected to believe that one extraordinary officer after another suddenly fails to meet some undefined standard of excellence. We are expected to ignore impeccable service records while accepting that political appointees alone possess the wisdom to determine who is worthy of advancement.
Published
1 week agoon
August 3, 2026
Pete Hegseth insists that he is restoring “merit” to the United States military. But after months of dismissals, blocked promotions, and ideological purges, the evidence tells a different story. His campaign against so-called “diversity, equity, and inclusion” has become something far more dangerous: an assault on equal opportunity that falls with particular force on African Americans, while also targeting women, Latinos, gay Americans, and transgender service members.
The latest example is both troubling and infuriating.
Once again, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has reportedly blocked the promotion of an exceptionally qualified woman—Rear Admiral Amy Bauernschmidt. Bauernschmidt is no ordinary officer. She became the Navy’s first woman to command a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, one of the most demanding leadership assignments in the world. Her career reflects decades of exemplary performance, operational excellence, and leadership under extraordinary pressure.
Yet once again, a distinguished military career appears to have been subordinated to an ideological agenda masquerading as “merit.”
I call BS!
The American people are expected to believe that one extraordinary officer after another suddenly fails to meet some undefined standard of excellence. We are expected to ignore impeccable service records while accepting that political appointees alone possess the wisdom to determine who is worthy of advancement.
The pattern has become impossible to ignore.
General Charles Q. Brown Jr., only the second African American to serve as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was dismissed despite a career that placed him among the most accomplished military leaders of his generation.
Admiral Lisa Franchetti, the first woman ever to serve as Chief of Naval Operations, was removed despite decades of distinguished command experience.
Reports have documented interventions that blocked or delayed the promotions of Black officers and women selected through the military’s rigorous promotion system.
Now Rear Admiral Amy Bauernschmidt joins the growing list of highly accomplished officers whose careers have been derailed for reasons that have never been persuasively explained.
Where is Congress?
Its silence has become deafening.
Congress has an independent constitutional responsibility to oversee the armed forces. Instead, too many lawmakers have watched silently while one of the nation’s most respected institutions is subjected to ideological litmus tests and political interference.
This is not military reform. It is testosterone-fueled performative masculinity disguised as a philosophy of military excellence.
The irony is impossible to miss. Hegseth repeatedly invokes “merit,” yet his rhetoric begins with the assumption that Black officers, women, and other historically excluded Americans must somehow justify their achievements in ways that white male officers are rarely required to do.
That is not meritocracy. It is prejudice wrapped in patriotic language.
No one is asking that anyone be promoted because of race or gender. Americans simply expect that promotions be based on demonstrated competence, leadership, integrity, and service. The officers being targeted have already proven themselves repeatedly under one of the world’s most demanding evaluation systems.
Their records speak for themselves.
The attack on African American military leadership has been especially pernicious.
For generations, Black Americans fought in segregated units, earned decorations while denied equal treatment, and repeatedly demonstrated loyalty to a nation that often failed to extend them full citizenship. They broke barriers not because standards were lowered but because excellence finally overcame institutional discrimination.
Today’s campaign against “diversity” threatens to revive old assumptions under new slogans.
The implication that Black generals and admirals somehow owe their success to affirmative action rather than extraordinary performance echoes some of the ugliest stereotypes of the Jim Crow era. Yesterday’s segregationists claimed Black Americans were inherently less qualified. Today’s culture warriors simply employ more politically acceptable language while inviting the same suspicion about Black achievement.
That is why Hegseth’s campaign increasingly resembles Jim Crow 2.0.
The targets may now wear stars on their shoulders instead of military patches on segregated uniforms, but the underlying message is hauntingly familiar: Black excellence is presumed suspect, while white excellence is presumed earned.
America’s military became the finest fighting force in history because it opened its doors to talent wherever it could be found. It grew stronger after President Truman desegregated the armed forces. It became stronger when women assumed greater command responsibilities. It became stronger when every qualified American was given the opportunity to serve to the fullest extent of their abilities.
Diversity is not a concession. It is a strategic advantage.
The nation’s adversaries do not fear an American military because it is racially homogeneous. They fear it because it draws upon the talents of more than 340 million Americans whose diverse experiences, perspectives, and abilities make our armed forces unmatched anywhere in the world.
Every politically motivated dismissal of a distinguished officer sends a chilling message throughout the ranks: excellence alone may no longer be enough if you belong to the wrong demographic group.
That weakens morale. It weakens recruitment. It weakens retention.
And ultimately, it weakens national security.
Pete Hegseth has every right to pursue military readiness. He has no right to redefine merit in ways that repeatedly cast suspicion upon the accomplishments of Black officers, women, and others who have devoted their lives to defending this nation.
America deserves better. The men and women who wear the uniform deserve better. The Constitution deserves better.
And unless Congress finds the courage to exercise meaningful oversight, history may well remember this period not as a restoration of military excellence, but as the moment political ideology attempted to resurrect, in modern form, the old poison of exclusion.
Jim Crow did not strengthen America. Jim Crow 2.0 will not strengthen America’s military. It will only diminish it
Wade Henderson
Strategic Advisor
Civil and Human Rights
wade@wadejhenderson.com
bpusa-syndication
#NNPA BlackPress
New Judge Could Decide if Karmelo Anthony Gets a New Trial
By Emilie St. John (Contributor) Karmelo Anthony will return to court next month in his first step to overturn his murder conviction. Anthony was found guilty last month in the stabbing death of Austin Metcalf and sentenced to 35 years in prison. His new legal team has filed motions seeking the recusal of State District […]
The post New Judge Could Decide if Karmelo Anthony Gets a New Trial appeared first on BlackPressUSA.
Published
2 weeks agoon
July 31, 2026By
Oakland Post
By Emilie St. John
(Contributor)
Karmelo Anthony will return to court next month in his first step to overturn his murder conviction.
Anthony was found guilty last month in the stabbing death of Austin Metcalf and sentenced to 35 years in prison. His new legal team has filed motions seeking the recusal of State District Judge John Roach Jr. from overseeing the appeals process.
Two hearings have been scheduled on the motion for Aug. 9 and 10 in the Collin County Courthouse in McKinney, Texas, according to Fox4 News.
On July 14, Senior Judge Sid L. Harle of the 226th District Court was assigned to preside over the defense’s motion to recuse Collin County Judge John Roach. The assignment took effect immediately and authorized Harle to handle all matters related to the recusal request, the filing read.
The Collin County District Attorney’s Office continues to defend its handling of the case by issuing a statement to NBC 5 DFW.
“The defendant’s new lawyers have filed a motion containing several inaccurate characterizations of the trial proceedings. The entire prosecution team and I conducted this trial ethically and in full compliance with the Court’s rulings and any agreements with defense counsel. We look forward to addressing these claims thoroughly in a Court of law in the coming weeks. The jury heard extensive evidence over the course of the trial and returned a unanimous verdict. We remain confident in that verdict and the fairness of the proceedings.”
Anthony’s new legal team, made up of appellate, civil rights, and criminal defense attorneys, was retained following Anthony’s conviction.
“Our responsibility is to determine whether a legal error occurred and to ensure that every issue supported by the record is fully and vigorously presented on appeal,” the team said in a statement.
“We recognize the profound loss suffered by one young man’s family and the uncertainty facing another, and we extend our respect to everyone whose lives have been forever changed by these events,” the release reads.
Anthony was charged with the stabbing death of Austin Metcalf during a track meet in Frisco, Texas, April 2, 2025. Anthony has long maintained it was an act of self-defense.
The attorneys are representing Anthony pro bono. The nearly 200-page notice of appeal seeks a new trial because his Sixth Amendment right to a public trial was violated.
“The cumulative and practical effect of these provisions was to exclude members of the public from proceedings at every stage,” the filing reads.
The filing also focused on an alleged “handshake deal” that kept Anthony from taking the stand in his defense.
The defense filing said the agreement was that the jury would not hear that Metcalf and his twin brother had been accused of racism and bullying in the past. In exchange, they also would not see Anthony’s cellphone records or his school disciplinary record, according to court documents reported by the Dallas Morning News.
Anthony’s former defense attorney, Mike Howard, said the defense relied heavily on that deal. The team chose not to ask certain questions of witnesses or call on a separate expert witness based on that agreement. It also abandoned plans to introduce testimony and evidence about the allegations against Metcalf and his brother.
Appellate attorney Russell Wilson is now handling post-trial proceedings and Anthony’s appeal. He recently sat down for an interview, stating, “The court committed multiple errors during the June murder trial, preventing him from receiving a fair trial.”
“You know, we file motions that we expect to prevail on, but we understand that there’s two sides to every story. And at the end of the day, it’ll be a judge that has to make these decisions, but we feel confident in the positions that we’re taking,” Wilson said during an interview with WFAA. “There were substantial issues that we thought a reviewing court needed to look at. We thought these were constitutional irregularities, and we could have them addressed now. And so, we put them into a motion for a new trial.”
Bree West, a former Dallas County Assistant District Attorney, found it startling that so little time was given to Anthony’s team for such a serious “life or death” situation.
“I do think that it’s really challenging that potentially a court decided that you have 10 minutes to make that level of decision when it has the potential of being life-altering,” said West during an interview with Fox 4 News.
Judge Harle is no stranger to high-profile cases, having presided over the prosecution of a police officer charged in connection with the 2022 mass shooting at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde.
Anthony was convicted on June 9 of the murder of Austin Metcalf and sentenced to 35 years in prison.
The post New Judge Could Decide if Karmelo Anthony Gets a New Trial appeared first on BlackPressUSA.
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The post COMMENTARY: LSMFT! Lord Save Me from Trump! appeared first on BlackPressUSA.
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Frankly Speaking
Wow! Wow! Wow! The swamp drainers have truly stepped down to new levels of stupidity. You remember Weapons of Mass Destruction? We now have Weapons of Mass Distraction. Trump has introduced Dumbocrats and Communists into the conversation about Democrats and Democracy.
Trump lies so much, and his current strategy is to set up doubt about midterm elections because he and Republicans have no agenda!
He has no “Trump “ card, but Iran has a strait! He called it a skirmish; it’s now a War. He said five days; now it’s five months. He said few casualties; now it’s 18 deaths. He knew nothing about Project 2025 but hired its architects! Trump lies about the lies and often forgets these little inventions called cameras and phones
We see and hear and then see and hear the inconsistencies.
I didn’t like 45 and dislike 47 even more!
The post LSMFT! Lord Save Me From Trump! appeared first on The Westside Gazette.
Based on reporting by Westside Gazette.
The post COMMENTARY: LSMFT! Lord Save Me from Trump! appeared first on BlackPressUSA.
Oakland Post
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