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EXCLUSIVE: New Appellate Lawyer for Bill Cosby Ready for Battle

NNPA NEWSWIRE — “Look, I sue police officers for a living,” said attorney Jennifer Bonjean. “What makes Mr. Cosby’s conviction so egregious is that the judge allowed these other witnesses from decades ago. I knew the fix was in when the trial judge allowed that testimony.”

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During an exclusive two-hour on-the-record interview with Bonjean for the Black Press of America led by National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA) President and CEO. Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr., she spoke openly about Bill Cosby’s legal appeal. (Photo: John Michael Reefer for NNPA)

By Stacy M. Brown, NNPA Newswire Correspondent
@StacyBrownMedia

This is the first of a two-part exclusive with Bill Cosby’s appellate lawyer, Jennifer Bonjean

While Bill Cosby is being held inside a small, 9-feet-by-5-feet steel prison cell in Collegeville, Penn., where he awaits a decision from the state Superior Court on the appeal of  a sexual assault conviction, Attorney Jennifer Bonjean is experienced and ready to fight to help overturn Cosby’s unjust conviction and 3- to 10-year prison sentence.

During an exclusive two-hour on-the-record interview with Bonjean for the Black Press of America led by National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA) President and CEO, Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr., she spoke openly about Bill Cosby’s legal appeal.

This marks the first time that any of Cosby’s current appellate lawyers have spoken to the news media.

“I can’t be put in a box. The same principles have driven my entire life: I fight to win. That’s what I do. I’m fearless, and nobody scares me. What’s right is right, and those principles, and those values, are dying in this day and age where people seem to value grifters and the dishonest,” Attorney Bonjean stated.

“I’m not looking to make friends with prosecutors. I’m not looking to make friends with judges. I’m not trying to offend, but what I have to do is protect my client’s rights without worrying about any ramifications,” Bonjean continued.

“In this country and our Constitution, we try cases based on the charges, and if you look at the charges against Mr. Cosby and look at those brought because of Andrea Constand. Her story doesn’t hold up,” Bonjean candidly stated.

“The prosecution knew her story couldn’t hold up, so they went and brought in these other women from 15 or more years ago, and no one has ever tested their stories,” Bonjean forthrightly observed.

“You can bring in accusers from [decades ago] and accuse him or anyone of something. There’s no way to defend that. That should have been a red flag to let people know that the prosecution had no case.”

Attorney Bonjean continued, “Look, I sue police officers for a living. What makes Mr. Cosby’s conviction so egregious is that the judge allowed these other witnesses from decades ago. I knew the fix was in when the trial judge allowed that testimony.”

Bonjean’s law office is in a four-story converted factory building in a fast-gentrifying section of Brooklyn, NY, where she is now helping to plot Cosby’s appeal and eventual freedom.

Bonjean is sort of a renegade activist, legal strategist, and advocate – her social media pages include photos of her standing with her arms-folded and bearing tattoos; while others show her making a fist at the steps of a courthouse.

Still, another depicts Bonjean and two associates standing imposingly under the Brooklyn Bridge with a leashed pit bull keeping watch.

Though opponents would probably agree that she’s tough as nails in the courtroom, Bonjean cautions not to read too much into her social media posts on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. “I’m a big contradiction,” Bonjean told NNPA Newswire.

Sitting next to Andrew Wyatt, Bonjean confidently holds court from her informed perspective on the challenges of Bill Cosby’s case inside the recently renovated 150,000-square-foot building in the heart of Brooklyn, NY.

Bonjean and Wyatt, Cosby’s longtime crisis manager, make the perfect team – she is working the legal issues, while Wyatt works the public relations.

Sitting next to Andrew Wyatt, Bonjean confidently holds court from her informed perspective on the challenges of Bill Cosby’s case inside the recently renovated 150,000-square-foot building in the heart of Brooklyn, NY. (Pictured left to right: Stacy Brown, Andrew Wyatt, Jennifer Bonjean, Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr. / Photo by John Michael Reefer for NNPA)

Sitting next to Andrew Wyatt, Bonjean confidently holds court from her informed perspective on the challenges of Bill Cosby’s case inside the recently renovated 150,000-square-foot building in the heart of Brooklyn, NY. (Pictured left to right: Stacy Brown, Andrew Wyatt, Jennifer Bonjean, Dr. Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr. / Photo by John Michael Reefer for NNPA)

“Jennifer Bonjean should have been the lead lawyer at the appeals,” Wyatt said.

Bonjean agreed.

She scratches her head – in bewilderment – when discussing the trial that led to Cosby’s 2018 conviction on charges of aggravated indecent assault.

Despite the outcry of the #MeToo movement and the mantra of believing the victim that has overtaken social media and the consciousness of America, Bonjean said she never bought Constand’s story.

“People say it’s normal not to go to the police; not to have an immediate outcry,” Bonjean stated. “This was a 30-year-old woman. She was not a teenager, but someone accomplished, and for her not to have told someone; her best friend; her mother.

“Then she’s calling Mr. Cosby on the phone [more than 70 times, according to Constand’s testimony], and you’re coming to his shows with your parents, and bringing him gifts? You say you’re so into homeopathic stuff, and you watch everything you put in your body, and he gives you something, and you don’t ask what it is?”

Although Cosby’s deposition and his continued position throughout the trial were that the two were involved in a romantic relationship, Constand maintained that she viewed Cosby as just a mentor.

“Andrea Constand doesn’t have the right to re-define or re-characterize their relationship,” Bonjean noted.

The owner and founder of Bonjean Law Group, PLLC, Bonjean is a seasoned attorney with extensive experience in criminal defense and civil rights litigation. She specializes in appellate, post-conviction, and habeas corpus litigation.

Bonjean said her passion and tenacity drives her to aggressively fight for individuals who have been wronged by the criminal justice system.

She and her staff have worked tirelessly to reverse the convictions of innocent people wrongly incarcerated.

Bonjean said she remains committed to exposing the rampant police and prosecutorial misconduct that often leads to wrongful convictions.

In 2014 the Chicago Innocence Project awarded Bonjean, the Humanitarian of the year Award. She stated that she initially wanted to be a prosecutor and an advocate for sexual assault victims.

But that changed when she began volunteering for the women’s services division of the YWCA of Metropolitan Chicago.

At the YWCA, Bonjean was a rape crisis counselor and victim’s rights advocate for under-served and marginalized women who were victims of sexual assault and domestic violence.

“These were poor women of color,” Bonjean stated.

In her role as crisis advocate, Bonjean frequently interacted with prosecutors who interviewed victims and made decisions about whether to charge their offenders.

“The prosecutors were supposed to protect them, but they didn’t,” Bonjean stated.

“I was advocating for poor women of color, and I watched these prosecutors come in and treat them like crap. I thought I wanted to be a prosecutor to represent these marginalized women, but I say the way they treated these women and I was like, ‘Hell No, I can’t be a prosecutor because I can sympathize with these victims, but the system is designed to hurt poor people of color, and I just can’t be a part of that. I can’t put black women away. I immediately identified with the other side.”

Bonjean has remained successful defending the voiceless, particularly people of color.

Things could have been far different; instead of practicing law, Bonjean could well have been plying her trade at The Met.

She attended the Manhattan School of Music, where she earned a Master’s Degree in Music in Opera Performance.

“Yes, I did that,” Bonjean said, with a laugh.

Clearly, she’s chomping at the bit to help Cosby.

“I watched both trials like most people. When the first trial ended with a mistrial, I immediately knew the prosecutors didn’t have the goods,” Bonjean stated.

“Then I heard they were bringing in all of these women for the second trial, and I didn’t need to hear no more.”

“At the end of the day, the only person that I care about is my client,” Bonjean concluded.

PART 2: The appeal and where does Cosby’s legal team go from here?

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UPDATE: PepsiCo Meets with Sharpton Over DEI Rollbacks, Future Action Pending

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — The more than hour-long meeting included PepsiCo Chairman Ramon Laguarta and Steven Williams, CEO of PepsiCo North America, and was held within the 21-day window Sharpton had given the company to respond.

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By Stacy M. Brown
BlackPressUSA.com Senior National Correspondent

Rev. Al Sharpton met Tuesday morning with PepsiCo leadership at the company’s global headquarters in Purchase, New York, following sharp criticism of the food and beverage giant’s decision to scale back nearly $500 million in diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. The more than hour-long meeting included PepsiCo Chairman Ramon Laguarta and Steven Williams, CEO of PepsiCo North America, and was held within the 21-day window Sharpton had given the company to respond. Sharpton was joined by members of the National Action Network (NAN), the civil rights organization he founded and leads. “It was a constructive conversation,” Sharpton said after the meeting. “We agreed to follow up meetings within the next few days. After that continued dialogue, NAN Chairman Dr. W. Franklyn Richardson and I, both former members of the company’s African American Advisory Board, will make a final determination and recommendation to the organization on what we will do around PepsiCo moving forward, as we continue to deal with a broader swath of corporations with whom we will either boycott or buy-cott.”

Sharpton initially raised concerns in an April 4 letter to Laguarta, accusing the company of abandoning its equity commitments and threatening a boycott if PepsiCo did not meet within three weeks. PepsiCo announced in February that it would no longer maintain specific goals for minority representation in its management or among its suppliers — a move that drew criticism from civil rights advocates. “You have walked away from equity,” Sharpton wrote at the time, pointing to the dismantling of hiring goals and community partnerships as clear signs that “political pressure has outweighed principle.” PepsiCo did not issue a statement following Tuesday’s meeting. The company joins a growing list of major corporations — including Walmart and Target — that have scaled back internal DEI efforts since President Donald Trump returned to office. Trump has eliminated DEI programs from the federal government and warned public schools to do the same or risk losing federal funding. Sharpton has vowed to hold companies accountable. In January, he led a “buy-cott” at Costco to applaud the retailer’s ongoing DEI efforts and announced that NAN would identify two corporations to boycott within 90 days if they failed to uphold equity commitments. “That is the only viable tool that I see at this time, which is why we’ve rewarded those that stood with us,” Sharpton said.

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Target Reels from Boycotts, Employee Revolt, and Massive Losses as Activists Plot Next Moves

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — Target is spiraling as consumer boycotts intensify, workers push to unionize, and the company faces mounting financial losses following its rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives.

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By Stacy M. Brown
BlackPressUSA.com Senior National Correspondent

Target is spiraling as consumer boycotts intensify, workers push to unionize, and the company faces mounting financial losses following its rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. With foot traffic plummeting, stock prices at a five-year low, and employee discontent boiling over, national civil rights leaders and grassroots organizers are vowing to escalate pressure in the weeks ahead. Led by Georgia pastor Rev. Jamal Bryant, a 40-day “Targetfast” aligned with the Lenten season continues to gain traction. “This is about holding companies accountable for abandoning progress,” Bryant said, as the campaign encourages consumers to shop elsewhere. Groups like the NAACP, the National Newspaper Publishers Association, and The People’s Union USA are amplifying the effort, organizing mass boycotts and strategic buying initiatives to target what they call corporate surrender to bigotry.

Meanwhile, Target’s workforce is in an open revolt. On Reddit, self-identified employees described mass resignations, frustration with meager pay raises, and growing calls to unionize. “We’ve had six people give their two-week notices,” one worker wrote. “A rogue team member gathered us in the back room and started talking about forming a union.” Others echoed the sentiment, with users posting messages like, “We’ve been talking about forming a union at my store too,” and “Good on them for trying to organize—it needs to happen.” Target’s problems aren’t just anecdotal. The numbers reflect a company in crisis. The retail giant has logged 10 straight weeks of falling in-store traffic. In February, foot traffic dropped 9% year-over-year, including a 9.5% plunge on February 28 during the 24-hour “economic blackout” boycott organized by The People’s Union USA. March saw a 6.5% decline compared to the previous year. Operating income fell 21% in the most recent quarter, and the company’s stock (TGT) opened at just $94 on April 14, down from $142 in January before the DEI cuts and subsequent backlash. The economic backlash is growing louder online, too.

“We are still boycotting Target due to them bending to bigotry by eroding their DEI programs,” posted the activist group We Are Somebody on April 14. “Target stock has gone down, and their projections remain flat. DEI was good for business. Do the right thing.” Former congresswoman Nina Turner, a senior fellow at The New School’s Institute on Race, Power and Political Economy, wrote, “Boycotts are effective. Boycotts must have a demand. We will continue to boycott until our demands are met.” More action is on the horizon. Another Target boycott is scheduled for June 3–9, part of a broader campaign targeting corporations that have abandoned DEI initiatives under pressure from right-wing politics and recent executive orders by President Donald Trump. The People’s Union USA, which led the February 28 boycott, has already launched similar weeklong actions against Walmart and announced upcoming boycotts of Amazon (May 6–12), Walmart again (May 20–26), and McDonald’s (June 24–30). The organization’s founder, John Schwarz, said the goal is nothing short of shifting the economic power balance.

“We are going to remind them who has the power,” Schwarz said. “For one day, we turn it off. For one day, we shut it down. For one day, we remind them that this country does not belong to the elite, it belongs to the people.” As for Target, its top executives continue to downplay the damage. During a recent earnings call, Chief Financial Officer Jim Lee described the outlook for 2025 as uncertain, citing the “ripple” effects of tariffs and a wide range of possible outcomes. “We’re going to be focusing on controlling what we can control,” Lee said. But discontent is spreading internally. A Reddit post from a worker claimed, “The HR rep is doing his best to stop the bleeding, but all he did was put a Bluey band-aid on what is essentially a severed limb.”

Several employees criticized the company’s internal rewards system, “Bullseye Bucks,” for offering what amounts to play money. “Can’t pay rent or buy food with Bullseye Bucks,” one wrote. Others urged their colleagues to join unionizing efforts. “Imagine how much Target would lose their mind if they were under a union contract,” one team leader wrote. “It needs to happen at this point.” One former manager said they left the company after an insulting raise. “Quit last year when they gave me a 28-cent raise. Best decision I’ve ever made.” From store floors to boardrooms, the pressure is growing on Target. And as calls for justice, equity, and worker rights get louder, one worker put it plainly: “We’re all screwed—unless we fight back.”

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Confederates Whistle Dixie Tunes and Black MAGA Applauds

BLACKPRESSUSA NEWSWIRE — They include Black MAGA supporters who’ve chosen silence—even solidarity—as racism escalates from campaign rhetoric to federal policy.

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By Stacy M. Brown
BlackPressUSA.com Senior National Correspondent

In Donald Trump’s second term, the faces of compliance are no longer just white. They include Black MAGA supporters who’ve chosen silence—even solidarity—as racism escalates from campaign rhetoric to federal policy. When Trump returned to the White House, he did so with a platform not just soaked in bigotry but engineered to roll back civil rights and diversity efforts on every front. And while his white base cheered, many of his Black allies—those donning MAGA hats and taking up seats on the frontlines of his rallies—chose loyalty over principle, muting themselves as a wave of white nationalist policymaking targets their communities.

Their silence began long before Inauguration Day. During the 2024 campaign, Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally drew fire after a comedian on the lineup referred to Puerto Rico as “garbage.” But that wasn’t the only racist moment. As Florida Rep. Byron Donalds, one of Trump’s most visible Black surrogates, walked onto the stage, the campaign blasted “Dixie”—a song revered by the Confederacy and white nationalists. Donalds said nothing. And neither did the rest of Black MAGA. That same silence echoed in Springfield, Ohio, when Trump and his running mate, J.D. Vance, spread a false and racist claim that Haitian immigrants were “eating cats and dogs.” The fabrication was met with horror from civil rights advocates and journalists. But Trump’s Black supporters? Not a word.

Black MAGA loyalists, many of whom cite values, religion, and personal ambition as their rationale, have essentially normalized the very racism that their grandparents fought to dismantle. Pew Research shows that while only 4% of Black Americans identify as Republicans, those who do often express a belief that the GOP better represents their values—even as those values are trampled by the very administration they support. One study published in Sociological Inquiry found that Black Republicans often “reframe racism in a way that makes their alignment with white conservatives more palatable,” even when it involves rationalizing policies that harm Black communities. And harm is precisely what Trump’s policies are doing. Since taking office, Trump has issued a barrage of executive orders aimed at eliminating diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives across the federal government. Agencies that serve minority communities have faced massive defunding, DEI offices have been shuttered, and civil rights enforcement has all but disappeared. As noted in The Hill, the goal is not just the destruction of policy—it’s the erasure of progress itself.

“Every act of Trump’s second term has been a white-nationalist signal,” wrote one analyst in The American Prospect, calling MAGA an “identity movement” that champions white grievance over democratic principle. There is little space for Blackness, except as a prop. And yet, some Black Trump supporters defend the administration with defiance. One such supporter, who canvassed for Trump in 2024, told The Independent he was called the N-word by fellow conservatives. Rather than walking away, he doubled down on his allegiance. The consequences of this allegiance are becoming deadly clear. As TIME reported, nearly 20% of Trump supporters said freeing the slaves was a mistake. According to The Washington Post, support for Trump has long been fueled more by racial resentment than economic concerns, and that resentment has now translated into policy.

A report from Press Watch concluded that Trump’s base continues to be driven by a desire to protect white dominance and suppress nonwhite progress, particularly through culture war battles over schools, immigration, and federal hiring. Even academic journals have noted that wearing a MAGA hat has become “a proxy for racialized identity”—an affirmation of white supremacy, no matter who’s wearing it. Meanwhile, The Conversation documented how MAGA’s rise has coincided with increased armed intimidation at polling places, violent rhetoric against journalists, and calls to monitor so-called “urban” neighborhoods—all with Trump’s encouragement. The Black MAGA base has not only failed to object—they’ve offered Trump moral cover. Whether out of personal ambition, political opportunity, or delusion, they’ve made peace with racists, while the administration they uphold works tirelessly to erase the freedoms won through generations of Black struggle. As The American Prospect put it: “Trump’s MAGA identity is a movement rooted in white identity politics. That some Black Americans have chosen to stand inside of it doesn’t make it less racist—it makes it more dangerous”

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