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Commentary: Siegel Is Mayoral Candidate Best Suited to Make Needed Changes

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This series has been an attempt to only compare the mayoral candidates’ positions on crime policy . But policy concerns are rarely independent from each other.

To reasonably apportion your votes in our rank choice voting system, considering candidates’ capabilities in all areas of concern and in the mix is crucial.

I do not recommend that anyone should maketheir mayoral vote selections totally from what I have written in this series.

Dan Siegel has presented a complete crime policy plan. Dan’s plan covers a multiplicity of municipal functions, and it offers corrective plans to hot issues currently drawing attention of city leadership.

I am convinced that he has knowledge of what is going on in the criminal justice system, including with cops. He is a trained, practicing civil-rights attorney. He is an “insider” who represents “outsiders.”

He is an intellectual warrior, for hire. He works for the side where money has to be “raised,” not only to pay his fee but also to pay his costs.

Or at least he started out that way.

Siegel is also the closest to fulfilling the community policing approach that I have laid out in my columns.

Dan was a member of the Oakland Community Policing Taskforce that crafted the language of the community policing ordinance (Council Resolutions 72727) in 1993.

He was quoted in the S.F. Chronicle speaking of former Chief Joe Samuels, who was being hired at the time, “It has taken some time to work up to that, but I think that now he has gotten the [community policing] religion.”

Samuels was a police chief beloved in Oakland’s African American community. He was the chief most likely to fully implement community policing and heal the negative dynamics between the department and the Black community.

Despite the resistance from the officers’ union and the negative influences on the local implementation of community policing caused by the Federal Justice Department’s COPS grants, Chief Samuels is the reason that Oakland have gone as far as they have in fulfilling the dictates of the legislation.

Mayor Jerry Brown fired Samuels shortly after his election in fulfillment of his stated pledge to fracture Black influence in Oakland’s politics.

Although Siegel does not spell out the Community Policing details in his policy paper, he says enough so that we know he still has “the religion.”

Dan’s anti-crime policy paper speaks to Oakland’s needs: jobs for Oakland residents, early childhood education, completing the Negotiated Settlement Agreement(NSA)mandating federal oversight of OPD, full support for restorative justice programs, civilianization the department by getting officers out of the building and on to the streets, neighborhood clean-up, bringing the crime lab “up to snuff” and a zero tolerance of the department’s abuse of people’s rights.

Siegel does NOT call for the hiring of more officers, and, therefore, does not need to justify the leveraging of more tax dynamics between the department and the Black community.

He hints at a less political and more rational use of crime statistics. The Oakland Moving Forward/Dellums’ Community Taskforce Report – which Quan has almost completely ignored – would be fulfilled by the Siegel plan.

Dan is not perfect; no candidate is. When “turned around” his assets can become deficits. His long engagement in Oakland politics means a depth of experience and understanding, but it also means scars from past struggles and a gaggle of old enemies.

He could be painted so far into the progressive/left camp that too many people would not hear him or deal with him honestly. The police officers’ union could severely frustrate positive changes.

Despite these concerns I believe that Siegel is the candidate for mayor best suited to make needed changes in the culture, character and behavior of the Oakland Police Department.

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Oakland Post: Week of April 17 – 23, 2024

The printed Weekly Edition of the Oakland Post: Week of April 17 – 23, 2024

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Bay Area

Oakland Finishes Final Draft of Downtown Specific Plan for Potential City Improvements

In late March, Oakland’s city administration announced the final draft of their Downtown Specific Plan, a blueprint for city improvements and developments over the next 20 years. The comprehensive 474-page plan lays out policies for downtown developments that will increase economic, social and cultural, and communal opportunities for residents and workers who frequent this essential hub in Oakland.

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Skyline aerial view of the urban core of downtown Oakland, California. Credit to MattGush, iStock
Skyline aerial view of the urban core of downtown Oakland, California. Credit to MattGush, iStock

By Magaly Muñoz

In late March, Oakland’s city administration announced the final draft of their Downtown Specific Plan, a blueprint for city improvements and developments over the next 20 years.

The comprehensive 474-page plan lays out policies for downtown developments that will increase economic, social and cultural, and communal opportunities for residents and workers who frequent this essential hub in Oakland.

Several departments over the course of eight years developed the plan, with two phases that emphasized a need for community input from local stakeholders, such as leaders and residents, and a focus on the role of social and racial equity in past and future developments.

Throughout the extensive plan, the concept of equity for marginalized communities is embedded with each goal and priority for the improvements to downtown. It acknowledges that social and racial barriers are preventing these communities from thriving on an equal playing field.

The authors identified six key disparities, or ‘equity indicators’, that set the baseline for how success will be measured for the improvements. These indicators include the burden of housing costs, homelessness, displacement, disconnected youth, unemployment rate and median income.

The plan is also broken up into chapters, each describing a major issue or topic that is plaguing downtown residents and workers, such as mobility, culture preservation, community health and sustainability, and land use and urban design.

Within each chapter, the authors dedicate a section to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic for the various areas of interest, illustrating how disparities and inequities increased before and after the disease’s peak.

Two major issues highlighted in the plan are economic opportunity and housing and homelessness. Both of these issues have been aggravated by the pandemic and require substantial support and resources to move forward.

Many reports coming out of the commercial and residential districts downtown have blamed the rise in crime and cost of living as reasons for leaving Oakland for other cities or closing down indefinitely.

The plan attributes rising rents of both residential and commercial properties to the displacement of local businesses and entrepreneurs. Downtown also has an imbalance in the jobs to housing ratio, which limits access to jobs as commuting distances increase.

Other concerns for the local economy are barriers to employment opportunities for workers of color, non-English speakers, and those with limited access to transportation. As stated in the plan, downtown also has a lack of vacancies near public transit hubs, such as BART, bus stops or ferry terminals, which could save workers money and time for their commutes into the city.

According to the downtown plan, the average unemployment rate for the white population was 5.9%, but the Asian population was at 6.7%, and for the Black population it was even higher at 10.4%.

The proposed solutions for the lack of economic prosperity include providing assistance to local businesses owned by people of color, reinforcing downtown as the ‘place to be’ for nightlife entertainment, and building businesses closer to public transit.

The addition of over 18.3 million (m) sq. ft. of new commercial space, 1.3m sq. ft. of new institutional space, and 500,000 sq. ft. of new industrial space, could potentially create almost 57,000 jobs downtown.

Housing and homelessness, issues closely tied to economic prosperity, are top concerns for Oakland residents. High rents have led to displacement and homelessness for those unable to keep up with the rising costs of the Bay Area.

Over 5,000 people are currently experiencing homelessness in Oakland, according to 2022 Point In Time data. 60% of this population is Black despite only making up nearly 20% of the total city population.

The plan explains that by adding nearly 29,000 new homes and expanding affordable housing units across the city by 2040, this would help alleviate the stress of obtaining and affording a home.

Strategies proposed to tackle the housing and homelessness crisis include increasing renter protections, providing additional shelters and services for homeless residents, and promoting homeownership in downtown with first-time buyer assistance and proactive assistance to vulnerable homeowners.

The plan acknowledges that the implementation of changes and developments amongst the several concerns outlined in the document will take time, both in short and long term periods.

To better explain how and when each project will be addressed over the course of the next two decades, a detailed 123-page graph shows which agencies, potential funding sources, and costs come with the goals.

The Oakland Planning Commission and Landmarks Preservation Advisory Board will each hold public hearings regarding the final draft of the Downtown Plan in May and June.

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City Government

LAO Releases Report on Racial and Ethnic Disparities in California Child Welfare System

Racial inequalities in California’s child welfare system disproportionately impact poor Black and Native American children, according to a report released April 3 by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO). The report, which was presented to the Assembly Subcommittee No. 2 on Human Services — chaired by Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley) — states that the proportion of low-income Black and Native American children in foster care is four times larger than other racial and ethnic groups in the state.

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“Racial and ethnic disproportionality and disparities are present within initial allegations and persist at all levels of the system -- becoming the most pronounced for youth in care,” the report states.
“Racial and ethnic disproportionality and disparities are present within initial allegations and persist at all levels of the system -- becoming the most pronounced for youth in care,” the report states.

Racial inequalities in California’s child welfare system disproportionately impact poor Black and Native American children, according to a report released April 3 by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO).

The report, which was presented to the Assembly Subcommittee No. 2 on Human Services — chaired by Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley) — states that the proportion of low-income Black and Native American children in foster care is four times larger than other racial and ethnic groups in the state.  Half of the children from each racial group has experienced some level of child welfare involvement before reaching legal age.

Jackson is a member of the California Legislative Black Caucus.

“Racial and ethnic disproportionality and disparities are present within initial allegations and persist at all levels of the system — becoming the most pronounced for youth in care,” the report states.

The disparities have persisted over the last decade across the state, the LAO found, adding that Black children living in poverty are more likely to enter foster care. State data shows that there is a correlation between poverty and foster placement in each county.

“Throughout all levels of the child welfare system, families experiencing poverty are more likely to come to the attention of and be impacted by the child welfare system,” stated the report.

Overall, the report revealed that more than half of the families affected by the state child welfare system earn $1,000 per month, significantly less than the national average of $5,000 a month.

The financial disparities highlighted in the LAO report align with existing research indicating that poverty is among the main factors contributing to the likelihood of child maltreatment. State anti-poverty programs include cash aid, childcare subsidies, supportive housing, and nutrition assistance.

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