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N.O. Experiences Historic Lows in Murder

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New Orleans police officer J. Almedia stands on patrol outside the Superdome, site of Super Bowl XLVII, Jan. 29, 2013, in New Orleans. (Charlie Riedel/AP Photo)

New Orleans police officer J. Almedia stands on patrol outside the Superdome, site of Super Bowl XLVII, Jan. 29, 2013, in New Orleans. (Charlie Riedel/AP Photo)

 

by Mason Harrison
Special to the NNPA from the Louisiana Weekly

Three years after kicking off the much-ballyhooed NOLA for Life murder reduction strategy, Mayor Mitch Landrieu is touting the program’s success in the new year as the city witnesses a sharp decline in its decades-long recalcitrant murder rate, yielding the city’s oft-repeated moniker as the nation’s murder capital. Landrieu praises the effort as an “all-hands-on-deck” approach to crime intervention through public-private partnerships crafted to prevent violence, beef up gang prosecutions and increase job opportunities for thousands of mostly young Black men operating at the margins of the city’s economy.

In 2014, the city tallied 150 murders, a number not seen since 1971. When adjusted for population size, the figure is the lowest total number of murders in New Orleans since 1999, says Charles West, director of the city’s innovation delivery team. Last year’s drop in murders comes on the heels of previous crime figures stemming from 2012 and 2013, something, West says, is tied to NOLA for Life. “Looking at the path we’ve taken, we’re experiencing three straight years of reduced murders,” West says.

Landrieu hails the historic murder lows, but cautions stakeholders to be aware that “we have a long way to go,” according to an early January statement from his office touting the 40-year low. The mayor, who won office in 2010 promising to tackle the city’s nationally known murder rate, says he remains “fully committed” to decreasing murders while not neglecting efforts to reduce overall crime in the city.

But the challenge of beating back crime in general remains a sore spot for many residents. “A drop in the number of murders is good,” says Rafael Goyeneche, head of the Metropolitan Crime Commission, but that only reflects one percent of the crime in the city.” Goyeneche says most of the city’s 300,000 residents are not faced with an everyday threat of being murdered, but remain at risk for being victims of other crimes. “Violent crime remains a problem,” he says, such as armed robberies and sexual assaults, “and it shouldn’t matter where you live, we want a city where, ultimately, there is no crime.”

Susan Guidry, chair of the City Council’s criminal justice committee, echoes the crime commission. “I am grateful for the progress we have seen so far, though we face serious challenges in combating violent crime that will continue as long as NOPD remains woefully understaffed.” Guidry has been at the epicenter of efforts to boost manpower at a time when the department is shrinking.

Dr. John Penny, a criminologist at Southern University of New Orleans, calls the ongoing drop in the city’s murder rate encouraging, but stops short of linking the decrease to the mayor’s NOLA for Life program. “I think it’s really hard to make a definitive statement about whether the two things are related,” he says. “When you look at a statistical fall like that you have to look at other variables, such as population shifts. A lot of folks didn’t come back after Katrina. The murder rate was so high after the storm because many returning gang members were trying to reestablish their territories set before the hurricane.

Penny also says murder rates can fall due to changes in victim behavior. “Criminals look for people who are vulnerable. We can see an uptick in activity in the French Quarter, which is widely publicized. Things like that can cause people to not walk alone or to stay out as late, frustrating criminal behavior.” Penny says police statistics should not be ruled out as something affecting the city’s low murder rate. “If someone is shot, but dies later from his gunshot wounds, that may not be classified as a murder.”

Despite local criticism of the police department over crime reclassifications in recent weeks, the department touts the falling murder rate as the result of effective policing. “The progress we’ve made over the past three years is real and remarkable,” says police superintendent, Michael Harrison. The city’s new top cop says long-term crime reduction, coupled with the murder reduction strategy, includes moving desk officers to patrol and deploying reserve officers and creating task forces to tackle crime hot spots.

Targets of the murder reduction plan include the Central City, St. Roch, Behrman and Little Woods communities. Barbara Lacen-Keller, chair of the Central City Partnership, lauds the mayor’s efforts while defending an area she has championed for years. “I think when we talk about crime, we have to understand that there are pockets of crime in certain neighborhoods and I wouldn’t even call them hot spots. So, whether people feel safe or not really depends on where they live in a particular part of town.” She co-founded the partnership 20 years ago, in part, to work with residents to address housing, education, health, crime and economic development issues. “We created the comeback committee,” says Lacen-Keller, dubbed the “Mayor of Central City,” “which was a partnership with officers of the 6th District, to target high crime areas and we lobbied for the creation of the new district police station.”

Projects like CeaseFire New Orleans, a Central City-based murder reduction effort, complement decades of groundwork done to reduce crime in one of the city’s history-filled neighborhoods, says Lacen-Keller. “I support Cease­Fire; this is a program that has had success in Chicago and Boston and I am particularly glad to see that work is being done with boys and girls, especially the work to reach shooting victims while they are still hospitalized to decrease the number of retaliatory shootings that we see in our city.”

West calls CeaseFire, a component of NOLA for Life, “one of the most evidenced-based programs that’s been replicated elsewhere to be effective by involving outreach, violence interrupters, using a risk reduction plan, connecting participants to workforce training, and creating direct intervention.” In 2014, West says, Central City reported a 31 percent drop in shootings, along with a murder tally that fell by 11 percent compared to 2012, when the NOLA for Life campaign got underway. West says the program is on the verge of expanding to schools requesting the effort to reduce student violence.

But shootings in New Orleans remain high, says Penny. “We had 300 shootings last year. I don’t know if that’s because all of these guys are a bad shot or if people are just getting lucky. I can’t explain it—it’s an odd juxtaposition.” West, however, compares the city’s high number of shootings with its reduction in gun deaths to similar phenomena in other major cities. “We see the same thing in New York and Chicago. But our focus, of course, is maintaining the success we’ve experienced in the last three years.”

Portions of NOLA for Life include what organizers dub “call-ins,” where gang members meet with elected officials, law enforcement agents, and various social service providers who extend options other than a life of crime and repeat incarceration. In 2014, West says, 113 gang members or associates enrolled in various education, job training, housing assistance or substance abuse treatment programs. The programs come at no cost to those who choose to leave gang life and stem from public-private partnerships.

“We’re able to create these opportunities thanks to private partners like members of the New Orleans Business Alliance,” West says. “One of our partners is Ochsner Health System, which provides training, at no cost, to program participants interested in learning how to become a medical assistant.” West says commitments to job training and hiring are the lynchpins in helping the program reach success.

Landrieu has likewise hung the success of NOLA for Life on the program’s ability to create jobs. Yet, 52 percent of Black males, of working age, in New Orleans remain unemployed, excluding those who are underemployed or who have stopped looking for work. Landrieu hosted a symposium in December revealing, in part, the obstacles facing Black male job seekers, including figures demonstrating that just half of all Black male job applicants without barriers to employment secure interviews. “We’re keenly aware of this issue,” West says, “and we’re working to create ways to increase employment.”

Still, the city’s drop in gun deaths is well-received. “We’ve been doing this for a long time,” says Lacen-Keller. “So, am I pleased that we are turning a corner? Yes. Do I believe that we have a long way to go? Yes. Do I think that we can do even better than now? Yes. Do I think we’ll ever be Mayberry? No indeed.”

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Arts and Culture

Against All Odds: Mary Jackson’s Journey to NASA Engineer

Jackson’s life took a significant turn when she was offered the opportunity to work in a wind tunnel, a facility used to test the effects of air moving over aircraft structures. It was here that her passion for engineering truly took flight. However, there was a challenge: to become an engineer, she needed to take advanced courses that were only offered at a segregated high school.

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Mary Jackson. Public domain.
Mary Jackson. Public domain.

By Tamara Shiloh  

When we talk about breaking barriers in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, the name Mary Jackson deserves a place at the top of the list.

Jackson was born in 1921 in Hampton, Virginia, a place that would later become central to her groundbreaking work. From an early age, she showed a strong aptitude for math and science—subjects that, at the time, were not widely encouraged for African American women. But Jackson was not one to be limited by expectations. She earned degrees in mathematics and physical science from Hampton Institute (now Hampton University), setting the foundation for a career that would change history.

Before joining NASA, Jackson worked as a teacher and later as a research mathematician at the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics (NACA), the agency that eventually became NASA. Like many African American women of her time, she began her career as a “human computer,” performing complex calculations by hand. It was in this environment that she worked alongside brilliant minds like Katherine Johnson, forming part of a powerful group of African American women whose calculations helped launch America into space.

Jackson’s life took a significant turn when she was offered the opportunity to work in a wind tunnel, a facility used to test the effects of air moving over aircraft structures. It was here that her passion for engineering truly took flight. However, there was a challenge: to become an engineer, she needed to take advanced courses that were only offered at a segregated high school.

Jackson did something truly remarkable. She petitioned the city of Hampton for permission to attend those classes. She didn’t accept “no” as an answer. And she won.

In 1958, Jackson became NASA’s first African American female engineer.

But Jackson’s impact didn’t stop there.

Later in her career, she chose to step away from her engineering position—not because she couldn’t continue, but because she wanted to make a difference. She moved into roles focused on equal opportunity, working to ensure that women and minorities had access to the same opportunities she fought so hard to get.

Jackson’s story gained wider recognition through the book and film Hidden Figures, which highlighted the contributions of African American women at NASA. But long before the spotlight found her, Jackson was doing the work—quietly, persistently, and brilliantly.

Jackson retired from Langley in 1985. Among her many honors were an Apollo Group Achievement Award and being named Langley’s Volunteer of the Year in 1976. She served as the chair of one of the center’s annual United Way campaigns and a member of the National Technical Association (the oldest African American technical organization in the United States).

She and her husband Levi had an open-door policy for young Langley recruits trying to gain their footing in a new town and a new career. A 1976 Langley Researcher profile might have done the best job capturing Mary’s spirit and character, calling her a “gentlelady, wife and mother, humanitarian and scientist.”

For Jackson, science and service went hand in hand.

She died on Feb. 11, 2005, at age 83, at a convalescent home in Hampton, Virginia.

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Activism

Supreme Court Voting Rights Ruling Reverberates From the South to California

The Supreme Court’s recent ruling weakening the Voting Rights Act is reshaping political battles, particularly in the South. While California’s protections may offer a buffer, the decision raises national concerns about Black political representation and redistricting.

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Researchers pointed out that the number amounts to 1 in every 50 adults, with 3 out of 4 disenfranchised living in their communities, having completed their sentences or remaining supervised while on probation or parole. (Photo: iStockphoto)
iStock.

By Brandon Patterson

A recent U.S. Supreme Court ruling weakening a key section of the federal Voting Rights Act is already reshaping political battles in parts of the South while raising broader questions about the future of Black political representation nationwide.

In Louisiana v. Callais, the Court’s conservative majority limited the use of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, the provision historically used to challenge electoral maps that dilute minority voting strength. Writing in dissent, Justice Elena Kagan warned that the ruling marked the “now-complete demolition of the Voting Rights Act.”

The immediate effects of the ruling are expected to be felt most sharply in Southern states, where litigation over majority-Black districts has shaped congressional maps for decades. Republican-led states including Louisiana, Alabama, and Texas have already moved to defend or revisit maps following the decision, according to reporting by Reuters and Politico.

California’s political landscape is different. The state uses an independent citizen’s commission to draw district lines and also has its own California Voting Rights Act, which in some cases provides broader protections than federal law. Because of those safeguards, the Supreme Court’s decision is not expected to immediately alter Black political representation in California.

Still, legal scholars and voting rights advocates say the ruling could shape future national debates over how race is considered in redistricting and voting rights enforcement.

“It changes the legal atmosphere around voting rights nationally,” UCLA law professor Rick Hasen told Axios. “Even states with stronger protections are paying attention to where the Court is headed.”

The decision also arrives amid renewed political fights over redistricting. In California, voters approved Proposition 50 in November 2025, a measure backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom that expanded the state’s ability to redraw congressional maps in response to mid-decade redistricting efforts in other states.

Supporters argued the measure was necessary to counter increasingly aggressive Republican-led redistricting nationally, while critics warned it could weaken California’s independent redistricting tradition.

For Black Californians, the ruling lands at a time when political representation remains significant even as demographic shifts have changed historically Black neighborhoods in cities like Oakland, Los Angeles and San Francisco.

Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee criticized the Court’s decision in comments to The Oaklandside, calling the Voting Rights Act one of the nation’s foundational civil rights protections.

“This decision weakens one of the most important civil rights tools our communities have had,” Lee said. “We know voting rights were never given freely. People fought and died for them.”

Rep. Lateefah Simon warned against complacency.

“This is part of a larger effort to erase the gains of the civil rights movement,” Simon told Oaklandside. “Black political power matters, and representation matters.”

The Voting Rights Act, passed in 1965 during the height of the Civil Rights Movement, helped expand Black political representation nationwide, including in California, where coalition politics among Black, Latino and Asian American voters helped elect candidates of color at the local, state and federal levels.

For many observers, the latest ruling serves less as an immediate threat to California districts and more as a reminder that voting rights protections long viewed as settled remain politically and legally contested.

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Activism

The People’s Coalition to Stop Deed Theft Speaks at National Probate Reform Coalition Meeting

Evangeline Byars and Carmella Carrington lead the STOPDEEDTHEFT.org movement, fighting rising deed and title fraud, which disproportionately affects Black and Brown communities nationwide.

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Left to right:  Evangeline Byars  and Carmella Carrington are gaining nationwide attention with their STOPDEEDTHEFT.org movement.
Left to right:  Evangeline Byars  and Carmella Carrington are gaining nationwide attention with their STOPDEEDTHEFT.org movement.

By Tanya Dennis

The National Probate Reform Coalition (NPRC) has learned that aside from rampant theft of properties occurring through probate court, deed theft extends even further with the support of banks, police, judges, attorneys and “the system” to steal Black and Brown properties.

Deed and title fraud are rising, with FBI data showing over 9,300 complaints and $173.6 million in losses in 2024 alone.

To that end, NPRC invited Evangeline Byars of The People’s Coalition to Stop Deed Theft as their keynote speaker on May 7.

Deed theft victims reach out to Byars because she has a reputation of getting things done.  Introduced to community organizing at Medgar Evers College in 2011, Byars was mentored by Harry Belafonte and gained further movement training in 2012-13 through his “Gathering for Justice.” Byars also trained with the Youth Brigade 32BJ, Union in 2012 where she learned to map, target, and execute actions.

With that knowledge as an advocacy worker, Byars ran for president of TWU Local 100 for transit workers.  During challenges of the union and political changes in New York when unions no longer had friends in government, they organized.

In 2025, deed theft victims approached Byars and told their stories.  Byars investigated, and discovered rampant, unrelenting theft of properties, primarily from Black and brown families, got involved and helped them with their fight, teaching them how to sustain their fight at the grassroots level while remaining politically independent.  This independence gave them the ability to move without co promise.

Deed theft is the taking of someone’s deed through fraudulent mortgages or a stranger that accesses property records, prepares paperwork and files for an owner’s property. New York is a’ first notice’ state, which means whoever appears first on record is the designated deed holder.

Deed theft escalated between 2013-23, the outcome of the subprime market, when people faced mass foreclosure and short sales. By 2014 people, primary Black and Brown, were fighting for their property.

In California, title theft (deed fraud) is a fast-growing threat often targeting high-equity homes, vacant land, and rentals. As of 2024, California leads the nation in real estate fraud with over 1,583 cases costing roughly $24.8 million in losses in a single year, reflecting the state’s prime position for scammers due to high property values, the FBI reports.

Byars says, “Deed theft affects Black and Brown people: it is by design, leading to the erasure of people of color homeownership that is happening nationwide. In every big city across the United States, towns and municipalities, we are witnessing a mass exodus of Black and brown people.  This theft cannot occur without judges, notaries and law enforcement, it is a syndicate of players working together for the removal of people by illegal ejectment or eviction.

The People’s Coalition to Stop Deed Theft does court watch and constantly highlight the inequities in the court system.

Byars says, “This is a human rights crisis.  Because of Wall Street and what New York signifies to the nation, know that no state is safe.  Any person can come and create paper terrorism, slap forgery notes on homes; engage in illegal guardian procedures; initiate foreclosures; apply for fraudulent loan modifications; then there’s outright theft and forgery, just taking people’s homes.  Believe me, it’s happening nationally and on the daily, These predators also target seniors over the age of 60 and women.”

The People’s Coalition to Stop Deed Theft take direct actions against perpetrators and are working with the New York District Attorney to create an office dedicated to gighting deed theft.

“Two ways to protect your deed is to keep a note, never satisfy your mortgage, because the bank is the biggest gangster, but if you’re making a payment, it keeps them in check.  Or put your home in a living trust, once you have a trust, it hides the owner’s name and protects the person from predators.”

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