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International Symposium on the Afrodescendant Movement in Latin America

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By Alejandro de la Fuente

 

“This is the most important event of the first year of the United Nations Decennial on Afrodescendants.”

 

That is how Celeo Alvarez, leader and founder of ODECO (Organization of Community Ethnic Development), the best-known organization of Afrodescendants in Honduras, characterized a recent gathering of activists, government representatives, academics and agency representatives from international organizations at Harvard University.

 

Participants came together to reflect on the state of the Afrodescendant movement in Latin America and to articulate a new continental agenda in line with the goals of the decennial: recognition, justice and development.

 

Hosted by the Afro-Latin American Research Institute at the Hutchins Center for African and African American Research at Harvard University, the symposium “Afrodescendants: 15 Years After Santiago. Achievements and Challenges” convened an unusual group of activists, government representatives, academics and agency representatives from international organizations such as the Ford Foundation, the Inter-American Development Bank, the World Bank, the United Nations Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the Organization of American States. Activists from Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Brazil, Venezuela, Honduras, Costa Rica and Cuba participated in the event.

 

The Latin American Afrodescendant movement, which emerged out of the Regional Conference Against Racism in Santiago de Chile (December 2000) and the subsequent World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa, has had an extraordinary impact on the formulation of anti-racist policies in Latin America.

 

Coined at the Santiago conference to designate the roughly 150 million people of African descent who live in the region—between one-fifth and one-third of the total population—the term “Afrodescendant” has been deployed to denounce exclusion and to articulate claims for cultural, economic and political representation, using a new transnational language of human and ethnic rights.

 

In response to the movement’s demands, numerous countries in Latin America have promoted constitutional changes that acknowledge the existence of racial and ethnic minorities, condemn discrimination, and, in some cases, recognize the cultural and territorial rights of ancestral populations of African descent.

 

Numerous countries have also enacted specific statutory measures against discrimination and implemented different forms of race-based redistributive policies in education and employment. There are now government structures charged with the enforcement of those anti-discrimination laws and policies in 18 different countries in Latin America.

 

Yet the participants in the Harvard symposium emphasized the limited impact of these institutions, which are frequently understaffed and underfunded. “They are utterly ineffective,” asserted Ambassador Romero Rodriguez, from Uruguay, one of the founding members of the Afrodescendant movement in the region.

 

Congressman Jorge Medina, from Bolivia, author of an anti-discrimination law in his country, concurred with the need to reactivate these government bodies: “They must respond to the needs and challenges that Afro communities constantly face in their own countries.”

 

The biggest of those challenges, he noted, is the persistence of a “structural racism” that prevents Afro-Bolivians from developing fully as citizens.

 

Many other participants agreed. As Congresswoman Epsy Campbell, from Costa Rica, asserted, Afrodescendants are now included in numerous international and national agendas, but there is no “sustained commitment” from international agencies or national governments to achieve racial equity.

 

One of the central themes that emerged at the meeting was that of visibility. Although the movement is now active in virtually every corner of Latin America, people of African descent remain invisible in the formulation of development plans and are frequently sidelined in national politics.

 

Even though visibility does not automatically lead to government action, as Judith Morrison, senior adviser for the Gender and Diversity Division of the Inter-American Development Bank, noted, it is necessary to highlight and disseminate the multiple actions, initiatives and efforts launched by the Afrodescendant movement in Latin America.

 

The first point of the United Nations Decennial Agenda, “recognition,” is intimately linked to visibility and represents an area of fruitful cooperation between academics, activists, government officials and international agencies. “Visibility is power,” Agustin Lao-Montes, a sociologist from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, remarked at the meeting.

 

The participants at Harvard symposium have agreed to meet again, a year from now, at the University of Cartagena in Colombia.

 

Alejandro de la Fuente is the Robert Woods Bliss Professor of Latin American History and Economics and a professor of African and African-American studies in the history department at Harvard University.

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Not Just a Southern Issue: Advocates Say SCOTUS Voting Rights Decision Has Already Started to Reshape Black Political Power

OAKLAND POST — Following the Civil War and Reconstruction, constitutional amendments expanded Black citizenship and voting rights across the South, leading to dramatic increases in Black political representation. But those gains were quickly met with violent backlash and the rise of Jim Crow laws designed to suppress Black voting through poll taxes, literacy tests, and other “race-neutral” restrictions.

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By Edward Henderson, California Black Media

U.S. Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D-CA-37), a member of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) whose district spans parts of Los Angeles County, joined fellow CBC member U.S. Rep. Troy Carter (D-LA-2) for a May 21 briefing with Black media outlets in California. 

The lawmakers highlighted what they describe as a mounting threat to Black political representation resulting from an April 29 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that weakened key protections under the federal Voting Rights Act.  

Kamlager-Dove and Carter warned that the decision, which narrowed the role of race in redistricting, is already reshaping congressional districts across the South and undermining Black voters’ ability to elect candidates of their choice.

“While we are a super blue state, we have far to go when it comes to Black representation; we tend to take that for granted,” Kamlager-Dove said of California, noting that the Golden State has the fifth largest Black population in the country and only has three Black members of Congress.   

“While I support building coalitions, we have to make sure that as a Black community we are not yielding our power,” she added.

Calling the fight “not unique to the South,” Carter urged Black communities nationwide to recognize the broader implications of the legal and political battles unfolding in Southern legislatures and courtrooms. 

The Supreme Court ruling centers on Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the portion of the law that prohibits voting systems or district maps that dilute the voting strength of racial minorities. For decades, Section 2 allowed civil rights groups to challenge district maps that weakened Black political representation even when lawmakers did not openly state discriminatory intent.

Now, advocates fear that standard has fundamentally changed. 

“You have to have smoking gun evidence,” said Mitchell Brown, senior voting rights counsel at the Southern Coalition for Social Justice, during a recent media briefing hosted by American Community Media on May 15. “Legislators are not going to say the quiet part out loud.” 

The implications could stretch far beyond congressional elections, Brown said.  

Section 2 protections have historically applied not only to U.S. House districts, but also to state legislatures, school boards, county commissions, judgeships, and local governing bodies. Voting rights advocates warn that weakening those protections could reshape political representation throughout the South, particularly in states with large Black populations. 

“This is not just a Southern issue,” said Amir Badat, manager of Black Voters on the Rise and voting special counsel at the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund.

Badat described the current moment as part of a much longer historical pattern. 

Following the Civil War and Reconstruction, constitutional amendments expanded Black citizenship and voting rights across the South, leading to dramatic increases in Black political representation. But those gains were quickly met with violent backlash and the rise of Jim Crow laws designed to suppress Black voting through poll taxes, literacy tests, and other “race-neutral” restrictions. 

“This is the same move,” Badat said.

Advocates also emphasized that the consequences of weakened voting protections extend into everyday life. 

Local elected offices such as school boards, city councils, county commissions, and judgeships often determine funding priorities, public safety policy, education standards, and infrastructure investments.

“These are not abstract numbers,” Badat said. “These have real political consequences and policy consequences on people’s day-to-day lives.” 

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Rest in Peace: A.M.E. Pastor and L.A Civil Rights Icon Cecil “Chip” Murray Passes

The Rev. Dr. Cecil L. “Chip” Murray, former pastor of First African Methodist Episcopal Church (FAME) in Los Angeles, died of natural causes April 6 at his Windsor Hills Home. He was 94. “Today, we lost a giant. Reverend Dr. Cecil Murray dedicated his life to service, community, and putting God first in all things. I had the absolute honor of working with him, worshiping with him, and seeking his counsel,” said Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass of the dynamic religious leader whose ministry inspired and attracted millionaires as well as former gang bangers and people dealing with substance use disorder (SUD).

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The Rev. Dr. Cecil L. “Chip” Murray, former pastor of First African Methodist Episcopal Church (FAME) in Los Angeles, died of natural causes April 6 at his Windsor Hills Home. He was 94.

“Today, we lost a giant. Reverend Dr. Cecil Murray dedicated his life to service, community, and putting God first in all things. I had the absolute honor of working with him, worshiping with him, and seeking his counsel,” said Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass of the dynamic religious leader whose ministry inspired and attracted millionaires as well as former gang bangers and people dealing with substance use disorder (SUD).

Murray oversaw the growth of FAME’s congregation from 250 members to 18,000.

“My heart is with the First AME congregation and community today as we reflect on a legacy that changed this city forever,” Bass continued.

Murray served as Senior Minister at FAME, the oldest Black congregation in the city, for 27 years. During that time, various dignitaries visited and he built strong relationships with political and civic leaders in the city and across the state, as well as a number of Hollywood figures. Several national political leaders also visited with Murray and his congregation at FAME, including Presidents George W. Bush and Bill Clinton.

Murray, a Florida native and U.S. Air Force vet, attended Florida A&M University, where he majored in history, worked on the school newspaper and pledged Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity.  He later attended Claremont School of Theology in Los Angeles County, where he earned his doctorate in Divinity.

Murray is survived by his son Drew. His wife Bernadine, who was a committed member of the A.M.E. church and the daughter of his childhood pastor, died in 2013.

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Court Throws Out Law That Allowed Californians to Build Duplexes, Triplexes and RDUs on Their Properties

Charter cities in California won a lawsuit last week against the state that declared Senate Bill (SB) 9, a pro-housing bill, unconstitutional. Passed in 2021, SB 9 is also known as the California Housing Opportunity and More Efficiency Act (HOME). That law permits up to four residential units — counting individual units of duplexes, triplexes and residential dwelling units (RDUs) – to be built on properties in neighborhoods that were previously zoned for only single-family homes.

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Charter cities in California won a lawsuit last week against the state that declared Senate Bill (SB) 9, a pro-housing bill, unconstitutional.

Passed in 2021, SB 9 is also known as the California Housing Opportunity and More Efficiency Act (HOME). That law permits up to four residential units — counting individual units of duplexes, triplexes and residential dwelling units (RDUs) – to be built on properties in neighborhoods that were previously zoned for only single-family homes.

A Los Angeles Superior Court Judge ruled in favor of the cities, pointing out that SB 9 discredited charter cities that were granted jurisdiction to create new governance systems and enact policy reforms. The court ruling affects 121 charter cities that have local constitutions.

Attorney Pam Lee represented five Southern California cities in the lawsuit against the state and Attorney General Rob Bonta.

“This is a monumental victory for all charter cities in California,” Lee said.

However, general law cities are excluded from the court ruling as state housing laws still apply in residential areas.

Attorney General Bonta and his team are working to review the decision and consider all options that will protect SB 9 as a state law. Bonta said the law has helped provide affordable housing for residents in California.

“Our statewide housing shortage and affordability crisis requires collaboration, innovation, and a good faith effort by local governments to increase the housing supply,” Bonta said.

“SB9 is an important tool in this effort, and we’re going to make sure homeowners have the opportunity to utilize it,” he said.

Charter cities remain adamant that the state should refrain from making land-use decisions on their behalf. In the lawsuit, city representatives argued that SB 9 eliminates local authority to create single-family zoning districts and approve housing developments.

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